重庆星辰医院正规妙手口碑

来源:搜狐娱乐
原标题: 重庆星辰医院正规家庭医生优惠
Twenty years ago, federal poverty experts, inspired by the forceful arguments in the landmark book “The Truly Disadvantaged,” as well as by definitive research on the harmful effects of segregation, initiated a government experiment that moved 855 low-income predominantly African-American and Hispanic families out of public housing in poverty-stricken urban areas into less impoverished neighborhoods.20年前,标志性书籍《真正的穷人》(The Truly Disadvantaged)中强有力的论述,以及关于社群隔离的负面效应的权威研究,使得联邦贫困问题专家深受启发,于是他们启动了一项政府实验项目,让855户低收入家庭从贫困城区的公租屋中搬到经济状况更好的社区。这些家庭绝大多数为非洲裔和西语裔。The results of the project have provoked an intense debate.项目的结果引发了激烈争论。Under the aegis of the “Moving to Opportunity” program, begun during the first administration of Bill Clinton, the Department of Housing and Urban Development randomly selected a large pool of low-income families with children living in public housing in Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Los Angeles and New York. Ninety-eight percent of the families were headed by women; 63 percent were black, 32 percent Hispanic, and 3 percent white; 26 percent were employed, 76 percent were receiving welfare, and families had an average income of ,709 in 2009 dollars.该计划名为“搬向机遇”(Moving to Opportunity,简称MTO),始于比尔·克林顿(Bill Clinton)的第一个总统任期。当时,联邦住房与城市发展部从巴尔的、波士顿、芝加哥、洛杉矶和纽约随机选择了一大批有小孩的低收入家庭。其中98%的家庭由女性撑;63%为黑人、32%为西语裔、3%为白人;26%有工作、76%领救济,以2009年价格折算的家庭平均收入为1万2709美元(当时约合8.7万元人民币)。These families, 4604 of them, to be exact, were then divided into three groups. An experimental group of 1,819 families was offered “Section 8 rental assistance certificates or vouchers that they could use only in census tracts with 1990 poverty rates below 10 percent”; 855 accepted the offer and became part of the study. A second group of 1,346 families was offered more traditional “Section 8” rent subsidy vouchers that could be used in any neighborhood; 848 accepted.参与项目的共有4604户家庭,分为三组。一个实验组有1819户,政府向他们提供了“《住房法案》第8节规定的租赁补助券或代金券,但只能在1990年贫困率低于10%的人口普查区内使用”;855户接受了提议,参与到这项研究中。第二组有1346户,政府向他们提供的是更为传统的租赁劵,可以用在任何社区;848户对此予以接受。A control group composed of 1,439 families stayed in public housing and became part of the study. The purpose of the relocation initiative, according to Department of Housing and Urban Development, was to test the “long-term effects of access to low-poverty neighborhoods on the housing, employment and educational achievements of the assisted households.” Researchers also studied how relocation affected the health of those who accepted vouchers.此外还有1439户家庭留在公租屋社区里,成为研究中的对照组。联邦住房与城市发展部表示,这一搬迁项目的目的在于,测试“受助家庭进入低贫困社区后在住房、就业和教育成就方面的长期效应。”研究人员还研究了搬迁对领取租赁劵人员的健康影响。A paper published in the May 2013 issue of the American Economic Review, “Long-Term Neighborhood Effects on Low-Income Families: Evidence From Moving to Opportunity,” found that after 10 to 15 years, moving out of high-poverty public housing through the M.T.O. program showed mixed results.《美国经济》(American Economic Review)2013年5月刊发表了一篇题为《低收入家庭的长期社区效应:以“搬向机遇”项目为例》(Long-Term Neighborhood Effects on Low-Income Families: Evidence From Moving to Opportunity)的论文。文中发现,相关家庭通过MTO项目迁出高贫困公租屋社区的10到15年后,结果好坏参半。There were some positive developments, according to the primary author of the paper, Jens Ludwig, a professor of economics at the University of Chicago and the project director for a final assessment of the M.T.O. program. Ludwig and his six co-authors found improvement in “several key adult mental and physical health outcomes.” These included significantly lowered risk of diabetes and obesity, as well as an improved level of “subjective well-being.”论文的第一作者芝加哥大学(University of Chicago)经济学教授延斯·路德维格(Jens Ludwig)是负责MTO最终评审的项目主管。他表示,的确存在一些积极进展。他和六名论文合著者发现,受试者在“几项关键的成人心理与生理健康指标”上有所进步,比如糖尿病与肥胖症的风险显著降低,以及“幸福感”有所提升。But the Ludwig study also found that “changing neighborhoods alone may not be sufficient to improve labor market or schooling outcomes for very disadvantaged families.” Ludwig reported that this particular form of assistance from HUD –a housing voucher that allowed recipients to move into a “low poverty” area – had “no consistent detectable impacts on adult economic self-sufficiency or children’s educational achievement outcomes, even for children who were too young to have enrolled in school at baseline.”不过,路德维格的研究还发现,“光是变动居住社区,或许并不足以改善底层家庭的就业或学业成就。”他在文中指出,这种允许家庭搬迁到“低贫困”地区的特殊租赁券“在一些方面没有可观察到的持续效应,不管是经济上的自给自足,还是孩子的教育成就,就连实验伊始年龄尚小、没有入学的孩子也如此。”Ludwig reported similar findings in a follow-up essay published this week by Third Way, a Democratic think tank.在民主党“三维智库”(Third Way)本周发表的一篇后续文章中,路德维格提出了类似结论。Some of the nation’s most prominent poverty researchers, including William Julius Wilson, a professor of sociology at Harvard and the author of “The Truly Disadvantaged,” consider that the design of the M.T.O. project was flawed, leading to unwarranted conclusions about the lack of improvement in employment and schooling.美国的一些最为权威的贫困问题研究者,比如哈佛社会学教授、《真正的穷人》的作者威廉·朱利叶斯·威尔逊(William Julius Wilson)认为,MTO项目存在设计缺陷,从而引来了就业与学业方面未能有所改善的不妥结论。Wilson pointed out in an email to The Times that the families in the study who left public housing moved into segregated neighborhoods nonetheless, far from employment opportunities and with equally bad schools – often the same schools. Social conditions were only marginally better than those they had left.在写给《纽约时报》的电子邮件中,威尔逊指出,MTO项目里离开公租屋的家庭还是搬到了隔离社区,远离就业机会,而学校的糟糕程度也不相上下,子女往往还是去同样的地方上学。他们的社会状况只比之前好上一星半点。In addition, Wilson wrote, the adults in the program “had been exposed all their lives to the effects of severely concentrated disadvantage, and no matter how long they are followed in their new neighborhoods, the effects of those earlier years are not fully erased.”此外,威尔逊写道,参与项目的成年人“此前一生均过着极为底层的生活,无论到新社区里住了多久,早年所受的影响也不能完全消除。”Robert Sampson, a professor of sociology at Harvard, argued in a 2008 essay published in the American Journal of Sociology that the project should have been called “Moving to Inequality.”在《美国社会学期刊》(American Journal of Sociology)2008年发表的一篇论文中,哈佛社会学教授罗伯特·桑普森(Robert Sampson)提出,MTO项目还不如叫做“搬向不平等”。Sampson pointed out in an email that many of the adults in the program had lived in extreme poverty for decades and that the children, who were on average 11 years old when they entered the program, had spent their early years living in adversity. “The result,” he wrote, “is that developmental effects are difficult if not impossible to study in the research design,” which does not reveal the “lagged effects of severe disadvantage.”桑普森在写给时报的电子邮件中指出,参与MTO项目的许多成年人本已在极端贫困中浸淫了几十年,而他们的子女在项目开始的时候平均年龄为11岁,也已经历了早年的逆境。“结果,”他写道。“在这样的实验设计之下,很难、甚至是不可能研究发展效应,”因为这种设计没有揭示出“严重贫困的滞后效应”。While the M.T.O. participants moved to neighborhoods with somewhat less poverty and crime, their new homes were by no means in flourishing sections of the city. Sampson produced a map of Chicago showing that the overwhelming majority of families moved to areas that still qualified as communities of “high concentrated disadvantage” based on a measure combining poverty rates, unemployment, welfare receipt, female-headed households, racial composition and density of children.虽然参与MTO项目的家庭搬到贫困与犯罪状况稍好的社区,其新家所处的地段绝不是什么欣欣向荣之所。桑普森绘制了一幅芝加哥地图,其中显示,根据贫困率、失业状况、领取救济状况、女性撑家庭的数量、种族构成和儿童人口密度进行衡量的综合指标,绝大多数MTO家庭迁去的地方仍是“底层人口高度集中”的社区。In a separate study, Heather Schwartz, a researcher at the RAND Corporation, reached conclusions more in line with Sampson’s and Wilson’s. Schwartz examined the performance of low-income, mostly minority students in Montgomery County, Md., an affluent majority-white suburb of Washington.在另一项研究中,来自兰德公司(RAND Corporation)的研究员希瑟·施瓦茨(Heather Schwartz)得出的结论也与桑普森和威尔逊更为一致。在马里兰州蒙哥马利县,施瓦茨研究了大多为少数族裔的低收入家庭学生的表现。该县属于华盛顿的郊区,经济富裕,以白人居民为主。The county adopted policies dispersing public housing so that many of the tenants, who were 72 percent black and 16 percent Hispanic, were housed in middle-class, largely white apartment complexes.蒙哥马利县采用了让公租屋散布在各处的政策。租户中,72%为黑人,16%为西语裔。按照这一政策,这些租户住在以白人为主的中产阶级公寓楼里。This allowed Schwartz to measure the performance of children from public housing who attended schools with large numbers of well-off white students, against the performance of those who attended schools with largely minority populations and much higher poverty rates.这样,施瓦茨就能够将居住在公租屋里的孩子的学业表现与大量来自富裕白人家庭的同学进行比较;对照组的孩子上的学校则大部分容纳的是少数族裔学生,而且家庭贫困率要高得多。The results are striking. The low-income minority children from public housing all started with similar math scores. But after seven years, those who went to schools where fewer than 20 percent of their classmates were poor shot ahead of those who went to schools where 20 to 80 percent of their classmates were poor. This difference in trajectories is shown in Figure 1, in which the green line tracks math scores for poor children (defined as those receiving “free and reduced-priced meals” – a.k.a. FARM recipients) in relatively affluent schools, and the red line tracks math scores for poor children attending schools with much higher percentages of fellow students receiving FARM assistance.结果相当惊人。住在公租屋的低收入少数族裔家庭的孩子,一开始的时候数学分数相当。但是七年之后,同学中贫困率少于20%的孩子,比起同学中贫困率在20%到80%之间的孩子,成绩遥遥领先。图1的曲线显示了其中的差异。绿线代表那些上了较为富裕学校的贫困家庭孩子(定义为领取“免费和优惠餐”[FARM]的学生)的数学分数,红线则代表所上学校里领FARM比例要高得多的贫困家庭孩子的数学成绩。Perhaps the most important factors in the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage are the long-term effects on infants of living in extreme poverty.也许,贫困代际传递最为重要的因素是,婴幼儿时期极端贫困带来的长期效应。A study published by the American Academy of Pediatrics in 2011, “The Lifelong Effects of Early Childhood Adversity and Toxic Stress,” shows that “early experiences and environmental influences can leave a lasting signature on the genetic predispositions that affect emerging brain architecture and long-term health.” The pediatric study links “early adversity to later impairments in learning, behavior, and both physical and mental well-being.”美国儿科学会(American Academy of Pediatrics)2011年发表了一篇研究论文,题为《婴幼儿时期逆境与有害压力的终生影响》(The Lifelong Effects of Early Childhood Adversity and Toxic Stress)。文中显示,“早期经历和环境影响可在遗传倾向方面留下持久痕迹,从而影响正在成型的大脑构造和长期健康。”这项儿科研究认为,“早期逆境与后来在学习、行为及身心健康上的缺陷有关。”Early childhood stress affects the “developing architecture of the brain” in ways “that create a weak foundation for later learning, behavior and health.”婴幼儿时期的压力会影响“大脑结构的发育”,从而“导致后来在学习、行为和健康方面基础薄弱。”Looked at this way, the M.T.O. findings — that participants who were given vouchers for housing in low-poverty neighborhoods made no gains in employment and wage equality compared with those left behind in public housing and that their children showed no improvement in school performance — do not seem surprising.从这个角度看来,MTO项目的研究结果似乎并不意外。评估显示,比起留在公租屋社区的家庭,拿到租赁券去低贫困社区居住的MTO参与者,在就业率与收入平等方面没有进展,他们的子女的学业表现也并无进步。For one thing, participants appear to have been given little or no support other than modest housing counseling. But the issue is deeper than that: Multigenerational poverty is self-evidently more than a question of housing. It is unlikely to yield to even the best-intentioned one-dimensional approach.首先,参与者似乎只获得了不多的住房咨询,此外几乎没有获得其他持。但更加深层的问题在于:多代贫穷可不仅仅是一个住房问题,这一点不言而喻。即便是最具善意的单一措施,也不可能解决得了它。Multifactorial approaches may be more productive. Recent papers such as “The Legacy of Disadvantage: Multigenerational Neighborhood Effects on Cognitive Ability” and “Neighborhood Effects in Temporal Perspective: The Impact of Long-Term Exposure to Concentrated Disadvantage on High School Graduation” are part of a continuing research agenda looking more profoundly into the causes of the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage.综合多种措施可能会更加有效。为弱势群体境况代代相传的现象,寻找更加深层的原因,这是一个持续进行的研究议程。最近的一些论文,比如《弱势处境的传承:居住多代的社区对认知能力的影响》 (The Legacy of Disadvantage: Multigenerational Neighborhood Effects on Cognitive Ability)和《从时间角度看居民区效应:长期处于弱势境地对高中毕业状况的影响》 (Neighborhood Effects in Temporal Perspective: The Impact of Long-Term Exposure to Concentrated Disadvantage on High School Graduation),都属于这个进程的一部分。The criticism of the M.T.O. study (which is now complete) points to new avenues for exploration. Even though the interpretation of the results of the housing voucher program has become contentious and somewhat politicized, the debate itself has the potential to be constructive.MTO这项研究(目前已经完成)遭受的批评,指出了可供探索的一些新途径。尽管对于租赁券计划结果的解释,变得富有争议,而且有点政治化,这个辩论本身却可能具有建设性。Significant change is possible, but more resources and more sophisticated research design will be a necessary next step.巨大改变是有可能的实现的,但下一步需要投入更多的资源,进行更先进的研究设计。Lines of possible future inquiry include evidence-based evaluations of total-immersion school systems like the KIPP program and a better understanding of the effects of poverty on brain development. Perhaps most importantly, in the debate over “neighborhoods or schools,” would be a concentrated focus on reducing racial and ethnic discrepancies in test scores, according to the economists Roland Fryer Jr. of Harvard and Steven Levitt of the University of Chicago. Fryer and Levitt argue that the elimination of “the test score gap that arises by the end of junior high school may be a critical component of reducing racial wage inequality.”未来可能要做的事情,包括对“知识就是力量”计划(KIPP)等完全沉浸式学校系统进行以据为基础的评估,以及更好地了解贫穷对大脑发育的影响。也许最重要的是,在“社区或学校”的讨论中,把侧重点放在缩小不同族裔的考分差异上,哈佛大学经济学家小罗兰·弗赖尔(Roland Fryer Jr.)和芝加哥大学经济学家史蒂芬·莱维特(Steven Levitt)说。两人认为,在初中结束前消除考分差距,“可能会是减少种族工资不平等过程的一个重要组成部分。”The two authors write, “we demonstrate that in stark contrast to earlier studies, the black-white test score gap among incoming kindergartners disappears when we control for a small number of covariates.” They add, “There is suggestive evidence that differences in school quality may be an important part of the explanation. None of the other hypotheses we test to explain why blacks are losing ground receive any empirical backing.”两位作者写道,“和早期的研究形成鲜明对比的是,我们的研究明,当我们对少数协变量进行了控制后,黑人和白人进入幼儿园前的考分差距就消失了,”他们还表示,“这是一个暗示性的据,显示学校教学质量的差异,可能是导致考分差距形成的重要原因之一。我们也测试了用来解释为什么黑人的成绩每况愈下的其他假设,但它们没有获得任何实的持。”We have to figure out a better way to approach intervention, whether it’s education-based or neighborhood-based or both. Otherwise how can we interrupt the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage we are only beginning to understand?对于弱势境地代代相传的情况,我们才刚刚开始有所了解;必须找出一个更好的办法,来对此加以干预,无论这个办法是基于教育的,还是基于居民区的,还是双管齐下。否则,我们怎样才能阻止它继续传递下去呢? /201409/331369

China’s trade surplus hit a fresh record high last month, as strong demand from the US lifted exports while sharp drops in commodity prices shrunk the value of imports.中国上月的贸易顺差再次创下新高,来自美国的强劲需求提升了中国的出口,而大宗商品价格急剧下降使进口货值缩水。The lunar new year holiday, which fell in late February this year, always distorts Chinese trade data, meaning that figures for the first two months give a better picture of the country’s economic performance. Exports rose 15 per cent in the first two months of the year, while the value of imports fell 20 per cent.农历新年假期(今年落在2月下半月)难免扭曲中国的贸易数据,这意味着年初两个月的合计数字可提供有关中国经济表现的更准确画面。今年头两个月出口同比增长15%,而进口货值下跌20%。“I don’t think 15 per cent export growth can be sustained. But on balance, it looks like a fairly decent performance,” said Tom Orlik, chief Asia economist for Bloomberg Intelligence.“我不认为15%的出口增长可以持续。但总的来说,这看起来像是相当不俗的表现,”彭研究机构(Bloomberg Intelligence)首席亚洲经济学家汤姆#8226;奥尔利克(Tom Orlik)表示。In renminbi terms, the trade balance rose to Rmb370.5bn (.1bn) from a previous record of Rmb366.9bn in January.按人民币计算,2月份的贸易顺差升至3705亿元人民币(合591亿美元),高于上一个纪录高点,即1月份的3669亿元人民币。While a surplus would normally translate into pressure for the Chinese currency to appreciate, in this case the market still sees China’s domestic economy as weak and expects monetary policy to remain loose, Mr Orlik said. “The pressure on the renminbi will remain downward.”奥尔利克表示,虽然贸易顺差在正常情况下会转化为人民币升值压力,但就目前而言,市场仍然认为中国国内经济偏于疲弱,并预计货币政策将保持宽松。“人民币所受的压力仍将是下行的。”Premier Li Keqiang set a lower GDP growth target of “around 7 per cent” in his speech to the annual legislative session, signaling that China expects an even sharper economic slowdown following the lowest growth in a quarter of a century last year.中国总理李克强在全国人大年会发表讲话时,设定了“7%左右”的较低国内生产总值(GDP)增长目标,表明继去年录得25年来最低增长率之后,中国预期将出现更大幅度的经济放缓。Exports for February alone surged 48 per cent, the Customs Administration said on Sunday, beating economists’ expectations.中国海关总署周日宣布,2月份出口激增48%。这个数字超出了经济学家的预期。“Demand from the advanced economies bodes well,” Li-Gang Liu, ANZ economist, wrote in a report. However, he expected the “weakening bias” towards the renminbi to remain.“发达经济体的需求是个好兆头,”澳新(ANZ)经济学家刘利刚在报告中写道。不过,他预计人民币的“走弱倾向”将继续存在。The drop in value of Chinese commodity imports is a blow for Australia. Total imports from China’s top iron ore supplier dropped nearly 28 per cent by value, although volumes of iron ore imports held broadly steady. Low-cost Australian iron ore has gained market share as plunging prices make higher-cost mines uncompetitive, but a 45 per cent drop in Chinese coal imports has hurt miners in Australia.中国大宗商品进口货值下降,对澳大利亚是一个打击。中国从其主要铁矿石供应国进口货物的总值下降了近28%,尽管铁矿石进口量大致保持稳定。随着价格暴跌使得成本较高的铁矿失去竞争力,低成本的澳大利亚铁矿石扩大了市场份额,但中国煤炭进口下降45%打击了澳大利亚矿商。Crude oil imports have steadied after record volumes at the end of last year built expectations that China would see the steep drop in international crude oil prices as a chance to fill strategic reserves more cheaply. China imported about 6.7m barrels a day of crude oil in the first two months of the year, down from December’s record 7.15m b/d.去年底中国原油进口量达到创纪录水平,令人预期中国将国际原油价格暴跌视为一个廉价补充战略储备的良机。如今中国的原油进口量已经企稳。今年头两个月,中国平均每日进口大约670万桶,低于去年12月创纪录的每日715万桶。 /201503/363082

Move aside, Washington D.C. Step away, Singapore. Beijing has you both beat.华盛顿?新加坡?都靠边站吧,北京把你们都甩在后面了。According to a new study, Beijing is now the world#39;s eighth-most global city, breaking into the top 10 for the first time.根据一项最新研究,在全球化程度最高城市的排名榜上,北京位居第八,这是该城市首次进入前10名。The global cities index, published Monday, found that China#39;s capital city is eclipsed only by New York, London, Paris, Tokyo, Hong Kong, Los Angeles and Chicago, in that order. Its analysis is based on factors such as business activity, information exchanges and cultural experiences. The report, which covers 84 cities, also weighs political engagement, as defined by how influential a given city is in #39;global policy dialogue,#39; and other factors such as presence of embassies, international organizations and number of political conferences annually hosted.周一发布的全球城市指数显示,北京目前的全球化排名仅次于纽约、伦敦、巴黎、东京、香港、洛杉矶和芝加哥。该指数的分析是基于商业活动、信息交换和文化体验等因素做出的。这份研究报告涵盖了全球84个城市,排名还考虑到政治参与度这一因素,考察内容是一个城市在“全球政策对话”中的影响力有多大;其他考察因素还包括外国使馆数量、国际组织数量和每年召开的政治会议次数等。Published by Chicago-based consulting firm AT Kearney, the report attributed Beijing#39;s jump in the rankings to its increase in Fortune 500 companies, international schools, museums and broadband subscribers.该报告由位于芝加哥的咨询公司AT Kearney发布。报告称,北京排名的上升得益于《财富》(Fortune) 500强企业、国际学校、物馆以及宽带用户数量的增加。It#39;s unclear whether speed of broadband--often lamentably slow in China--was a factor in the ranking. (One also presumes the fact that the country#39;s Internet is cut off from numerous foreign websites would be a knock against openness of information exchange, or more specifically freedom of expression, another criteria the report measured.) AT Kearney didn#39;t immediately respond to a request for comment during Asian business hours.目前还不清楚宽带速度是否也是考察因素之一,中国的宽带速度相当慢。(也有人会认为,中国互联网切断了与众多外国网站的连接,这对中国的信息交换公开程度(更具体来说就是言论自由)而言是一个减分因素,而言论自由是报告评估的另一个标准)。记者在亚洲工作时间联系了AT Kearney,但该公司没有立即回复记者的置评请求。The second-highest ranked mainland Chinese city was Shanghai, which trailed Beijing by a considerable factor and clocked in at No. 18, though it enjoyed a higher #39;human-capital#39; ranking, given its larger foreign-born population and levels of education, the report said.中国大陆城市中,排名位于北京之后的是上海。上海排在第18位,落后北京好几个名次,但上海的“人力资本”排名高于北京,因为上海的外国人数量更多,教育水平也较高。Other cities whose stars rose or fell significantly included Istanbul, which jumped nine places to 28. Bangkok, meanwhile, slipped 16 places thanks in part to repercussions from recent political instability. Boston took a tumble to 21 place, down six spots, with the authors saying that, among other changes in the city#39;s landscape, its #39;music and theater scene have also failed to keep up with those of other cities.#39;其他排名上升或下降幅度较大的城市包括伊斯坦布尔,该市排名上升九位至第28位。与此同时,曼谷的排名下降16位,一定程度上是受该国近期政治动乱的影响。波士顿的排名降至第21位,下降六位,报告作者称,波士顿的城市景观发生了一些变化,其中该市在音乐和剧院景观方面表现也未能跟上其他城市的步伐。 /201404/288639

Estate agents, rejoice. The rich are getting richer and more confident, and there is nothing they like more than buying fancy homes.房产中介们,高兴吧。富人越来越富,越来越自信,他们最喜欢的事情莫过于购买豪华住宅了。New data from a global study of #39;ultra-high-net-worth individuals#39;-the top 0.01%-shows a stark rise in house prices in the most desirable parts of cities across the world.一项有关“超高 值个人”(最富0.01%)的全球性调查提供的新数据显示,世界各国城市最抢手地段房价上涨明显。The study, by real-estate broker Knight Frank, looked at the lifestyles of the superrich-those with more than million in net assets-and the very expensive penthouses, castles, mansions and estates they buy.这项调查是房地产经纪公司莱坊(Knight Frank)实施的,考察了 资产逾3,000万美元的超富人群的生活方式,以及他们购买的非常昂贵的顶层公寓、城堡、公馆和庄园。Prices in prime locations rose last year in 54 of the 90 cities surveyed by Knight Frank. That#39;s a greater proportion of gainers than in the prior year#39;s survey, when half the cities showed rises.莱坊调查的90个城市当中,去年黄金地段房价上涨的有54个,高于前一年调查中一半城市房价上涨的比例。The data suggest that the rich are sping their wings, after years of retreating to a relatively small number of stable cities. When the banking crisis kicked off in 2008, a #39;big wave of money#39; flocked to investing in cities like London, New York, Sydney, and Vancouver, said Liam Bailey, global head of residential research at Knight Frank in London.数据说明,富人在退隐到相对少量的稳定城市数年之后,如今正在将触角伸向其他城市。莱坊驻伦敦住宅研究部全球负责人利亚姆#12539;贝利(Liam Bailey)说,2008年危机爆发时,“一大股资金浪潮”涌入伦敦、纽约、悉尼和温哥华等城市进行投资。That wave is sping out. Six of the 10 cities with the biggest average price gains in Knight Frank#39;s Prime International Residential Index were in the Asian-Pacific region this year. Jakarta, Indonesia, was on top with a 38% gain.如今这股浪潮正在向其他地区扩散。今年莱坊“黄金地段国际住宅指数”(Prime International Residential Index)平均价格涨幅最高的10个城市里面,有六个都位于亚太地区。印度尼西亚的雅加达以38%的涨幅高居第一。Los Angeles was the only North American city in the top 15, posting a 14% rise.洛杉矶是前15个城市里面唯一一个北美城市,涨幅为14%。While Europe continued to slump-the region lost 1% and contributed to 80% of all locations where prices declined last year -there were signs of recovery. Dublin captured the fifth spot on the index with a 17% gain, and Madrid posted an increase of 5%.欧洲房价继续下跌,2013年跌幅为1%,在去年房价下跌的所有城市当中占了80%。但该地区也出现了复苏的苗头。都柏林以17%的涨幅在指数中排名第五,马德里也上涨了5%。The ranks of the superrich appear to be growing. The study estimates that there were around 168,000 people who met the million threshold last year, close to 5,000 more than in 2012. Their wealth totaled .1 trillion.超富人群似乎是越来越多了。调查估计去年 资产达到3,000万美元的人有16.8万左右,比2012年多了将近5,000人。他们的财富总额是20.1万亿美元。And they like property. Houses account for 30% of their combined wealth. On average, each of the superrich has 2.4 homes, the survey said.而且他们喜欢房产。调查显示房产占他们财富总额的30%,平均每位超级富豪拥有2.4处住房。Demand for mansions and penthouses across the world sp out from traditional havens like London and New York last year. While caution among the superrich-invoked by the half-decade-long financial crisis-continued to ease, their money continued to grow.去年,对世界各地公馆和顶层公寓的需求从伦敦和纽约等传统避风港向其他城市扩散。超富人群因五年金融危机产生的谨慎心理继续缓和,他们的财富也在继续增长。Alongside the uptick in wealth creation, confidence in the economic recovery lead investors to branch out from traditional havens, especially benefiting Asia. But not all markets in the region were strong. In Singapore and Hong Kong, governments moved to cool superhot markets.除了财富的增长之外,对经济复苏的信心也促使投资者走出传统避风港,亚洲尤其受益。但这个地区不是所有市场都很红火。在新加坡和香港,政府采取了冷却过热市场的行动。Tighter lending regulation in Singapore and a stricter tax regime in Hong Kong #39;really slowed the markets down#39; in 2013, said Nicholas Holt, head of research, Asia-Pacific, at Knight Frank.莱坊亚太区研究主管尼古拉斯#12539;霍尔特(Nicholas Holt)说,2013年新加坡贷款监管收紧、香港税收机制趋严,“切切实实地放缓了市场”。But the havens haven#39;t lost their luster. Despite not showing huge price growth at the upper reaches, Monaco, Hong Kong, London, Singapore, Geneva and New York remain among the world#39;s highest-priced luxury-home markets.但避风港也没有失去光芒。虽然纳哥、香港、伦敦、新加坡、日内瓦和纽约的高端房产价格没有显现出巨大的涨幅,但它们仍然位于世界上豪宅价格最高的市场之列。In those cities, homes in the most desirable districts are phenomenally expensive. In Monaco#39;s top-tier residences, million buys enough square footage for a bathroom. In London, it fetches a large dining room. For New York, it#39;s a large reception room.在这些城市里面,最抢手地段的住房贵得惊人。100万美元在纳哥上流社区只能买下卫生间大小的面积,在伦敦买得下一间较大的餐厅,在纽约则是一间较大的接待室。#39;You might think that if risk appetite has returned, it would undermine the safe haven story,#39; Mr. Bailey said. #39;But no. Those prices are still rising.#39;贝利说:“你或许会认为,如果说风险偏好已经回归,避风港概念就会削弱。其实不然,那些地区的房价还在涨。” /201403/279298

  • 华龙新闻重庆星辰皮肤的地址
  • 重庆市星辰美容正规
  • 养心信息重庆市星宸美容医院的权威医生爱典范
  • 重庆星宸皮肤网站丽分类
  • 重庆市第九人民医院做整形美容手术安全吗咨询常识重庆一院几点下班
  • 预约常识重庆星宸整形医院是公立的
  • 重庆星辰整形医院好嘛
  • 城市新闻重庆市星宸整形医院整形怎样中华口碑
  • 重庆市公立三甲医院哪年成立最新热点
  • 重庆市星辰整形在哪
  • 重庆市中医院网上咨询咨询新闻重庆星宸美容治疗好不好
  • 重庆星宸医院可以吗导医口碑
  • 爱问媒体重庆市星宸整形医院整形美容收费标准
  • 重庆三军医大医生有哪些
  • 重庆星宸整形医院怎么样?华龙门户
  • 重庆市星辰医学美容医院在周日有上班吗新华大全重庆市星辰医院是不是正规医院
  • 69中文重庆市星辰美容多久了?正规吗千龙中文
  • 重庆星辰医院怎样中医专家
  • 重庆大坪医院院长是谁
  • 重庆星辰整形医院官网医护指南
  • QQ对话重庆中医院评价普及常识
  • 重庆市大坪医院做整形要多少钱
  • 导医分类重庆星宸整形要预约吗好医互动
  • 重庆西南好吗千龙指南
  • 排名诊疗重庆第四人民医院整形美容的收费标准安生活
  • 重庆星辰医院做整形美容要多少钱
  • 重庆第三附属医院有学生套餐?
  • 重庆星辰早上几点开门
  • 重庆市三峡中心医院电话号码是多少
  • 重庆市星宸整形在哪里城市问答
  • 相关阅读
  • 重庆新桥医院专家微信39社区
  • 重庆市星辰整形时间作息
  • 中医乐园重庆三峡中心医院百安分院做整形可以吗
  • 重庆肿瘤医院位址求医大全
  • 重庆星辰美容整形费用
  • 重庆妇幼保健院在什么位置千龙频道重庆九院就诊怎么样
  • 重庆市人民医院整形美容价格
  • 医苑专家重庆星宸整形医院在哪咨询时讯
  • 重庆市星辰做整形好吗
  • 重庆儿童医院电话
  • (责任编辑:郝佳 UK047)