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Russia and Ukraine俄罗斯和乌克兰Putins Ukrainian U-turn普京对乌克兰问题的态度转变How to treat signs that Russia at last wants to lower tensions如何看待俄罗斯最终想要缓和局势的迹象A DEFINING feature in the diplomacy of Russias president, Vladimir Putin, is to keep everyone guessing—because he can use doubt to magnify his threats, conceal his weaknesses and gain the initiative. That was the effect of his words on May 7th, one of the few public occasions he has spoken formally about the crisis in Ukraine. Mr Putin urged the pro-Russian separatists in the east of the country to postpone the referendums they planned for this weekend. He said that he saw Ukraines presidential election due on May 25th as a “step in the right direction”, contradicting his own foreign minister, who has repeatedly called it absurd. And he reported that he had ordered Russian troops to pull back from the border.俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京的一个典型外交特征是让所有人都猜不透。因为他可以利用疑惑来放大他的威胁、掩饰自己的缺点并获得主动权。作为他为数不多的在公共场合正式讨论乌克兰危机的谈话,他在5月7日发表的言论正是起到了这样的作用。普京敦促在该国东部的亲俄分裂分子推迟原定于本周末的公投。他表示,他认为5月25日的乌克兰总统大选是“朝着正确方向迈出的一步”,这一说法与俄罗斯外交部长的说法相矛盾,该部长曾多次称之为荒谬的。同时普京还报告说,他已下令俄罗斯军队撤出边境。A few welcomed this as the turning-point in a crisis that has now escalated into a low-intensity war. It is to be hoped that they are right. But many more, including this newspaper, will greet Mr Putins words with due scepticism. Throughout the crisis, Russia has said one thing and done another. Even as the diplomacy takes its course, the West must sustain its pressure on Russia and its support for Ukraine.一些人乐观地认为这是这场已然升级为低强度战争的危机的转折点。希望他们是对的。但包括本刊在内的更多的人抱着怀疑的态度将会迎合普京的话。在这场危机中,俄罗斯说一套做一套。即便是出于外交需要,西方也必须维持其对俄罗斯施加的压力和对乌克兰的持。Bait and bait again兵不厌诈The starting point is to gauge whether Mr Putin means what he says. He has promised Russian troop withdrawals before only to fall short: this time the retreat will need to be unambiguous. Actions in Ukraine count, too. Rather than continuing to incite the pro-Russian separatists, Mr Putin must be seen to use his influence to broker peace. But the most revealing test of his sincerity will be Russias media, which have been doing their bit for the Kremlin by pouring out anti-Ukrainian propaganda. They must now cease their relentless warmongering.出发点在于衡量普京能否说到做到。他曾承诺在功亏一篑前撤走俄罗斯军队,这一次的撤军需要更加明确。在乌克兰的行动同样也需如此。与其继续煽动亲俄分裂分子,普京更应该利用其影响力去促成和平。俄罗斯媒体最能真实地考验他的真诚,他们已经通过宣传反乌克兰为克里姆林宫做出了自己的贡献。现在,他们必须停止无休止的挑衅行为。Suppose that the Kremlin passes these tests, what then? Until now, Mr Putin seemed bent on fomenting confrontation in Ukraine—with the threat of Russian invasion kept in reserve. He has two reasons to step back. One is the increasingly burdensome sanctions that are beginning to damage the Russian economy. Possibly even more troubling for him is the mounting death toll in eastern Ukraine. The fighting is taking on a hideous momentum, sapping Mr Putins ability to use his influence over eastern Ukraine to wreck the government in Kiev. Instead, Russia risks being sucked in to the conflict, in order to honour the guarantees of protection that it has given its supporters. Although the threat of invasion is useful for him, actual occupation would involve huge costs. The sight of Russian and Ukrainian troops slaughtering each other would puncture Mr Putins popularity at home. Much better to keep Ukraine smouldering than to have it burst into flame.假设克里姆林宫通过这些了这些考验,接下来又会怎样呢?直到现在,普京似乎仍更倾向于在乌克兰煽动对抗,并同俄罗斯入侵的威胁一同准备。他有两个理由撤退。一个是西方国家越来越繁重的制裁已经开始损坏俄罗斯的经济。或许更令他不安的是有越来越多的人在乌克兰东部丧命。这场战争正朝着一个可怕的方向发展,削弱了普京利用他在乌克兰东部的影响力来破坏基辅政府的能力。相反,为了兑现对持者承诺过的保护,俄罗斯有可能会卷入到战争中。尽管威胁入侵对他而言十分有效,但实行起来却耗费巨大。俄罗斯和乌克兰军队的相互屠杀将削弱普京在国内的受欢迎度。因此,抑制乌克兰远比消灭它要好得多。Mr Putin seems to be hoping that a grateful world, desperate to avoid conflict, will agree to what he has sought all along: a federation of Ukraine that blocks it from moving towards the European Union and NATO, as well as the uncontested annexation of Crimea. The world should not oblige. Ukraine will need to give more autonomy to its regions—but not such power that they can veto foreign policy. The West must give Ukraine aid and as much advice as its government will take.普京似乎希望有一个感恩的世界,竭力避免冲突,认可他寻求已久的:乌克兰联邦妨碍它加入欧盟和北约以及对克里米亚的吞并。但这并不是一个感激的世界。乌克兰需要得到更多自治权,但它并没有这样可以否决外交政策的权力。因此西方国家必须给乌克兰以援助以及尽可能多的建议。This crisis is far from over. Mr Putin can turn the pressure on Ukraine back up just as easily as he seems to have turned it down. He has not relinquished Crimea, and his treatment of Ukraine has betrayed the nature of his regime (see article). Therefore, the West should maintain todays sanctions — and the threat of more. It should strive to lessen its dependence on Russian energy and face up to the fact that, while Mr Putin is in power, doing business with Russia will be perilous. After all, would you trust the man who started a fire next door merely because he has suddenly offered you a bucket of water?这场危机还远未结束。普京可以轻易地将压力转嫁到乌克兰身上,就像他似乎已经拒绝的那样。他没有放弃克里米亚,他对待乌克兰的方式已经同他的政权性质相背离(另见文)。因此,西方应保留现有的对俄罗斯的制裁并给以更多的威胁。它应该努力减少对俄罗斯能源的依赖,并认清这样的现实—在普京掌权期间,同俄罗斯做生意是危险的。难道你会相信仅仅因为邻居突然泼了一桶水就要开战的人么?译者:严文娟 译文属译生译世 /201502/357571Hans Frank, who would go on to become a leading Nazi, first heard Hitler speak in 1920.汉斯弗兰克于1920年首次听到他的演讲后成为纳粹头目。Everything came from the heart and he struck a chord with all of us.一切都发自肺腑,他和我们产生了共鸣。He uttered what was in the consciousness of all those present.他说出了在场人士的心声。This is a key insight into charisma.这是领袖魅力的关键。Because charisma does not exist on its own in anyone.因为它不会单独存在于某人身上。It exists only in an interaction between an individual and an audience.它只存在于个人与观众的互动之中。An individual like Hitler who was telling the audience what they wanted to hear.比如希特勒,他所讲的正是观众想听到的。Many of them longed for a charismatic leader to lead them out of misery.民众渴望出现一位富有领袖气质的人带领他们走出阴霾。German history was rich in stories of such heroes.德国历史上这样的英雄人物历来屡见不鲜。Here, amongst the mountains around Hitlers house, the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa was, according to legend, sleeping, waiting to awaken and fight his final battles.据传说腓特烈大帝就沉睡在希特勒住所所在的山谷中,等待着被唤醒,与敌人决一死战。And one of the most popular tourist attractions of the time was this monument, completed in 1875, to Hermann, a tribal leader who had led the Germans to victory over the Romans nearly 2,000 years before.这座于1876年完工的纪念碑是当时最受欢迎的旅游景点之一,是为了纪念2000年前带领德国人战胜罗马的部落首领赫尔曼。This later engraving claims a direct link between Hitler and Hermann.不久人们就将希特勒与赫尔曼联系起来。Both portrayed as German heroes.两人都被描述成德国英雄人物。And Hermann was so important to the Nazis that Heinrich Himmler took over Wewelsburg Castle nearby in the 1930s, intending this place to be a centre of SS power.鉴于赫尔曼对纳粹的重要性,希姆莱在30年代霸占了韦维尔斯城堡意图将这里变成党卫军的权力中心。 译文属201511/409480Ukraines election乌克兰大选Good voters, not such good guys好马无好鞍The poll results were promising, but the future for Ukraine is dauntingly difficult大选的结局充满希望,但是乌克兰的未来依然扑朔迷离TO ALL appearances, Ukraines parliamentary election on October 26th was a triumph. Reformists mostly won and voters rebuked the far right and far left. Western allies heaped praise on the pro-European, pro-democratic results. Yet Ukraine remains troubled and deeply divided.从各方面来说,10月26号乌克兰议会选举的结果都是振奋人心的。改革派取得了绝对的胜利,选民们也击退了极右和极左主义。乌克兰的西方盟友对于这种亲欧盟,和民主化的选举结果给予了极高的赞扬。然而乌克兰依然面临不少困难并且深陷分裂的危机中。In an upset, the Peoples Front party of Arseniy Yatsenyuk, the prime minister, narrowly beat President Petro Poroshenkos bloc by 22.2% to 21.8%. This means that Ukraine will keep two power centres, as Mr Yatsenyuk seems sure to stay in office. Mr Poroshenko had hoped to win a majority and install a loyalist instead. Now the Peoples Front and the Poroshenko Bloc must form a coalition, probably with the third-placed Samopomich (self-help) party, led by the mayor of Lviv. The six parties that reached a 5% threshold will fill half of the 450-seat parliament (Rada) from their party lists. The rest will come from districts where deputies are elected directly and only later join party factions.在一种惴惴不安的气氛中,代理总理亚采纽克领导的人民前线党最终以22.2%对21.8%的微弱优势击败了总统彼得·波罗申科领导的政治联盟。这意味着乌克兰将存在两个权力中心,因此亚采纽克看上去铁定会继续在位。相反的波罗申科曾经最希望看到的结果是能赢得大多数选票并且能扶持一个忠诚的持者。现在,人民前线和波罗申科的党派必须同第三方新兴政党——由 Lviv市市长领导的Samopomich(自主联盟)建立一个政治联盟。六个赢得了进入议会门槛——5%选票的政党将用自己的成员填满其中过半的席位。剩下的席位将从各地区的直接选举并且接下来也将加入各自的小团体。The vote reflected the western regions power in the new Ukraine. Turnout was highest in the west, and relatively low overall at 52% (down from 60% in Mays presidential election). In Lviv 70% of voters showed up, against only 40% in Odessa. In Ukrainian-controlled areas of the Donbas turnout was just 32%. Neither Crimea nor the separatist-held eastern regions voted (their 27 seats in the Rada will stay empty).这次大选反应了西部地区在新乌克兰的影响力。相对于5月份总统大选时西部选民占据60%的情况来说,此次比例有所下降(这次仅有52%)。在Lviv 有70%的选民出席,对应的在敖德萨仅仅只有40%的选民参与了投票。在乌克兰控制的顿涅茨克地区出席率也仅仅只有32%,更不用说在克里米亚和分裂主义者控制的东部地区了。(他们在议会中的27个席位将暂时闲置。)The Opposition Bloc, a revamped version of Viktor Yanukovychs reviled Party of Regions, got into the Rada, after finishing fourth, with 9%. The party won much of the south-east—Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, Zaporizhia and even Dnipropetrovsk. Joining them in parliament will be some 60-70 directly elected deputies aligned with the old regime. Their presence will incense first-time politicians drawn from the Maidan movement who fought hard to oust Mr Yanukovych. It will also upset Ukraines volunteer battalions, including commanders of three powerful anti-rebel paramilitary groups who were elected.反对党——改头换面的亚努科维奇讽刺地区党最终以第四名的身份——获得了9%的选票陈宫进入议会。他们赢得大多数顿涅茨克东南部;路甘斯克;哈尔科夫;扎波罗热甚至是第聂伯罗彼得罗夫斯克地区的选票。他们的入选将给议会带来60到70名与旧政体站在同一战线的直系代理人。这些人的出席将激怒那些费尽心思废黜了亚努科维奇(“买单”运动)之后诞生的第一批政治家。随着包括三名反政府准军事武装组织的领导人在内的一批人的介入,乌克兰志愿军陷入了深深的不安之中。Co-operation with the Opposition Bloc, which includes Mr Yanukovychs former chief of staff, Sergei Levochkin, will be unpalatable. But Hannes Schreiber, of the EU delegation in Kiev, argues it will be “decisive to have the former ruling side in the dialogue”. Failure to do so would increase feelings of exclusion in Russian-leaning regions, where Kremlin agents continue to sow dissent. (Ukrainian security services say they detained pro-Russian “diversion groups” in Kharkiv, Odessa, Zaporizhia, Mariupol and Kiev before the vote.)很多人都认为和亚努科维的前首席参谋长Sergei Levochkin所在的反对党合作是非常失败的。但是欧盟在基辅的代言人Hannes Schreiber坚称让前执政党的势力参与对话是非常必要的。如果不这样做,将会助长那些克林姆林宫持续散播分裂主义种子的亲俄地区的抵触情绪。(乌克兰安全委员会声称他们在大选之前阻拦了大批位于哈尔科夫,敖德萨,扎波罗热,马里乌波尔和基辅的“转移组织”。)Even more destructive would be infighting within the coalition. Whereas the parties broad pro-European aims are aligned, their business interests and personal ambitions are not. Horse-trading for jobs and squabbling over reforms has aly begun. Mr Poroshenko and Mr Yatsenyuk have both put forward their own proposals. Mr Yatsenyuk, who takes a hawkish attitude to Russia, has declared himself the elections winner and put “restoration of sovereignty and territorial integrity” at the top of his cabinets priorities.事实上联盟内斗带来的危害更大。在那里虽然广大亲欧盟党派的目标是一致的,但是他们的商业和个人利益却不尽相同。关于就业和改革讨价还价般的争执已然开始。不管是波罗申科还是亚采纽克都在推行他们各自的主张。亚采纽克一直对俄罗斯采取极度强硬的态度,他声称自己是大选的胜利者并且将实现“国家主权和领土完整”列为自己执政的第一要务。Mr Poroshenko, who has more allies among directly elected deputies, will not easily relinquish the reins. He seems determined to direct reforms from the presidential administration, where his aides have spent months preparing draft laws, with a focus on deregulation, judicial reform and decentralisation. After the 2004 Orange revolution, conflicts between the president and the prime minister plagued the government, which squandered the chance of broad change to the system. Mr Poroshenko and Mr Yatsenyuk must learn from those mistakes. “Delay with reforms is fatal for us,” Mr Poroshenko himself said.在那些直接选举产生的代表中拥有更多盟友的总统波罗申科绝对不会轻易放弃这股力量。他似乎决心通过总统的权力进行直接改革,他的助手们花了几个月的时间来制定法律,这些新法案专注于解除管制,司法改革以及权力下放。事实上,自从2004年的橙色革命之后,总理和总统间的权力冲突一直困扰着乌克兰政府,而这种行为极大地浪费了体制改革的机会。不论是波罗申科还是亚采纽克都必须从之前的错误中吸取教训。波罗申科表示“对我们来说,拖延改革是极其致命的。”At stake is the survival not just of the new government, but of Ukraine itself. The economy, teetering on the verge of collapse, depends on foreign aid that is linked to reforms. This week the EU promised more help. But reforms are likely only to increase the pain for people ravaged by war and facing a gas-starved winter.不论是对于幸存的新政府还是乌克兰本身来说,现在的情况都是危如累卵。国家经济接近崩溃,全靠国际援助撑,这种撑还得依靠改革的成效来维系。本周,欧盟当局承诺给予更多援助。但是就目前来看,一系列改革措施只能增加人们因战争带来的痛楚,同时还得面对一个没有天然气的寒冬。Ukraine has to contend with its rebels and with Vladimir Putin (see article). The separatist republics in Donetsk and Luhansk will hold elections on November 2nd, a vote that Kiev condemns but Moscow will recognise. Ukrainian soldiers, two-thirds of whom did not vote because they could not leave their positions, still die on the front. On their way to the polls during a freezing election day in Kiev, voters expressed only tepid hopes. “The people wont tolerate the politicians games any longer,” said Svetlana Ischenko, 68, in the foyer of Lesya Ukrainka Gymnasium. “If we dont change now, either Ukraine will fall to pieces or Putin will take us over.” Unfortunately, she may be right.乌克兰不但要和反政府武装斗争还要随时提防普京。位于顿涅茨克和卢甘斯克的分离派共和政体将在11月2号举行选举,即便基辅极力谴责,但是莫斯科显然会承认这一行为。接近三分之二的乌克兰士兵并未参加选举,因为他们不能离开自己的岗位,他们依然在前线牺牲。在一个寒风凛冽的日子去基辅参加投票,选民们表达出一种微弱的希望。68岁的Svetlana Ischenko在Lesya Ukrainka体育馆表示:“人们已经受够政治家们的游戏!如果我们现在还不改变,要么乌克兰彻底完蛋,要么普京将来接管我们。”即便很残酷,但她可能说出了实情。译者:曾擎禹 校对:邵夏沁译文属译生译世 /201506/381832

Public-information films公共信息电影广告Dont stop, dont look, dont listen莫停留,莫张望,莫听信Scary adverts dont work, yet they are everywhere骇人的广告如同鸡肋却无处不在CHATTERING schoolchildren don colourful anoraks; clutching hands, they depart for a woodland picnic. Elsewhere a young man leaps into his car and speeds off to work. Moments later he careers off the road and his spinning car kills each one of the cheery youngsters. The camera lingers on their dead hands and the now-empty classroom. A grim voice explains that they represent the children killed as a result of speeding in Northern Ireland since 2000.冻得瑟瑟发抖的孩子们穿着鲜艳的厚夹克,手拉手去森林野餐。在另一处一个年轻人跳上车加速行驶赶去工作。片刻之后道路上猛冲的车子失去控制撞向了那一群孩童,孩子们在这场车祸中无一幸免。镜头停留在他们毫无生命力的小手上以及如今空荡荡的教室里。一个恐怖的声音解释道,他们呈现的是自2000年起北爱尔兰因超速受害的儿童。British road-safety adverts are more shocking than those broadcast in America, says Anne McCartt of the Insurance Institute for Highway Safety, an independent research group there. The British penchant for horror might reflect the nations long tradition of public-service broadcasting, which seeks to entertain and inform at once. But do the ads work?英国道路安全广告比在美国道路安全广告效果要震撼的多,当地一家独立研究机构——公路安全保险学会的安妮·麦克卡特如是说。倾向于使用恐怖元素的英国广告或许反映了国家公共务广播的悠久传统,即能立刻起到兼信息发布的作用。但这真的有用吗?Though gory, shocking public-information films linger in peoples heads, they seem not to alter behaviour much. If the consequences seem too extreme, the threat may seem too far-fetched, says Josh Bullmore, who has both made and studied such adverts. Few may believe that disaster could befall them or adjust their behaviour accordingly. Tessa Langley of the University of Nottingham has compared the impact of smoking campaigns that showed tumours erupting disgustingly out of cigarettes with more positive ones that also urged people to quit. The former proved more memorable, but the latter led more people to ring the national smoking helpline.尽管血淋淋的、震撼人心的公共信息电影广告停留在观众脑海里挥散不去,但人们似乎并没有从中受到多大教育。如果这些电影广告的结局太过极端,那么广告所起到的教育震慑作用就显得过于牵强附会了,乔希·布尔莫如是评价。他也曾参与制作和学习这类广告片。没几个人会相信灾难会降临到自己头上,他们也不会真的通过广告片来审视自己的行为。诺丁汉大学的泰萨·朗利将两种反吸烟运动的影响进行对比,一种是展示出因香烟造成的恶性肿瘤,另一种也是积极的却说人们戒烟。前者被实更加难忘,但后者则引导了更多人拿起电话拨打全国戒烟热线。The budget for public-information films is shrinking. The Central Office of Information, the governments marketing department, was closed in 2011. In 2008-09 the Department for Transport (DfT) spent almost £3m on its drink-drive advertising campaign. In 2013-14 spending fell to less than £1m. Unable to afford as many spots on television, the scaremongers hope their films will be shared on social media. And that is encouraging them to churn out the gory kind. In a recent advert from the DfT, men washing their hands in a pub toilet are startled by the face of a mannequin smashing bloodily through the mirror. The ad suggests a hashtag, publooshocker, for online sharing. Less shocking adverts might work better, but fewer people would see them.公共信息电影广告的预算正在缩水。中央信息办公室,即政府的市场营销部门,早在2011年就关闭了。在2008至年间交通部门(DfT)在它的反酒驾广告运动上花费了近300万英镑。而在2013至2014年间在此花费却不到100万英镑。这种广告的制作商由于无法负担过多电视频道的费用,从而希望他们的电影广告可以通过社会媒体传播。并且那也促使他们大量炮制这种骇人的广告。DfT最近的一部广告中,人们在一个酒吧的洗手间洗手时被打碎镜子、满脸是血的人体模型的脸吓到。这个广告在线上分享时带有一个标签酒吧洗手间惊魂。少一些血腥元素的广告或许更有用,但那就没什么人会去看了。译者:邵夏沁 校对:周晓婷 译文属译生译世 /201501/354571

Britain Student loans Fees fi fo fum英国 学生贷款 学费?妈妈咪呀~The new student loans system is proving more expensive than expected新的学生贷款系统耗资比预期更多POLITICAL apologies are rarely so awkward.政治道歉很少有这么奇怪的。In 2012 Nick Clegg,the Liberal Democrat leader,explained in a short film why he had broken a promise to vote against raising university tuition fees.2012年,自民党领导人尼克·克莱格在一部短片中解释为什么他违背投票反对增加大学学费的承诺。I shouldnt have committed to a policy that was so expensive when theres no money around, he said.他说我不该在没钱的时候还执着于一项花费极大的政策。Mr Clegg has now lost even that excuse.现在,克莱格连这个借口都没有了。It appears that the new student loans scheme could in fact cost the government more than the old one.貌似新的学生贷款计划要比原来的花费政府更多的钱。Yet that does not mean that Mr Cleggs U-turn was a mistake.但这并不表示克莱格的态度大转弯是一个错误。When the coalition government raised fees paid by students in England (Scotland and Wales have their own policies) from around 3,300 to 9,000 a year,联合政府提出由英格兰学生(苏格兰和威尔士有自己的政策)付的费用由每年约3300上调到9000,the idea was to boost universities incomes while cutting the amount of taxpayer cash spent on undergraduate teaching.目的就是提高大学的收入,同时缩减纳税人花在本科教学上的钱。State-backed student loans,repayable only when graduates begin earning,were extended to cover the cost of the higher fees.国家提供的学生贷款在学生开始有收入时再进行偿还,而这些贷款足以囊括学生的所有花费。This,it was thought,would stoke competition in higher education while also helping to reduce the deficit.有人认为,这将引发高等教育竞争,同时也有助于减少赤字。The system can save the government money only if students do indeed repay their loans.只有学生确实偿还贷款,该系统才能节省政府的钱。Under the rules,graduates repay 9% of any income they earn over 21,000.根据规定,毕业生必须偿还收入超过21000那部分的9%给国家。Meanwhile,debt accumulates interest at the rate of inflation plus up to 3%.与此同时,这笔债务的贷款利息将以通胀率再加上最高3%的利率计算。If they are not fully repaid,loans are written off after 30 years.如果这些款项没有全额偿还,30年后则会一笔勾销。(Student debts incurred before 2012 are forgiven after 25 years—but fees,interest rates and the repayment threshold are all lower,too.)(2012年之前的学生债务25年之后则一笔勾销—但费用,利率和偿还起点也都较低)。One consequence of increasing tuition fees is that a far smaller proportion of students will repay their debt in full under the new system than under the old one.增加学费的结果之一是全额偿还贷款的学生人数要远远少于旧系统运行时全额偿还的学生人数。And recently,as the salaries of new graduates have stagnated,the forecasts have become even less optimistic.最近,由于应届毕业生的工资停滞不前,预测变得更不乐观。According to analysis by the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS),a think-tank,73% of graduates will not repay their loans in full.根据财政研究学会(IFS)的智囊团分析,73%的毕业生不能全额偿还贷款。The government now expects to recover just 55% of its costs,against an estimate of 72% in 2010.政府预计只能弥补所有花费的55%,而非2010年时预期的72%。Yet in other ways the loan system is working impressively.然而在其他方面,贷款系统的成效还是不错的。With the worrying exception of part-timers,few students have been deterred from applying to university.因为有非全日制学生未被列入贷款对象的担忧,所以大多数学生都受到鼓励,申请了学校。Last year the proportion of 18- and 19-year-olds entering was the highest ever.去年18 - 19岁的学生进入大学的比例达到历史新高。Between 2011 and 2013 the number of students who had been entitled to free school meals entering the most academically demanding universities jumped by 39%.在2011年和2013年之间,有权免费在学校吃饭且进入学术性最强大学的学生人数上升了39%。The IFS analysis also shows that the new system is remarkably progressive—those students who go on to earn the largest salaries pay back the most.IFS分析还表明,新系统非常先进——工资最高的学生偿还的贷款也最多。Better,universities do appear to be getting more competitive as a result.更加可喜的是大学似乎变得更有竞争力。Sir Steve Smith,vice-chancellor of Exeter University,says that since fees were increased,students have become savvier埃克塞特大学的副校长史蒂夫史密斯爵士说,由于费用增加,学生变得更加精明了insisting that academics actually mark their essays within a few weeks,for instance.比如说专家们在几周内就可以批改完所有文章。Applications to the best-ranked universities have leapt and many—including Exeter—are expanding to increase their fee income.申请排名最高大学的人数大幅增加—包括艾克赛特—学费收入也相应上升。Less prestigious institutions,too,are fighting harder to keep their students.不那么有名的学校也正在竭尽全力留住学生。Low repayment rates threaten to undo this.低还款率迫使情况发生改变。The next government will have either to find more money for higher education or to cut spending,says Peter Scott,of the Institute of Education,a research university.一所研究型大学教育学院的彼得·斯科特说,下届政府将为高等教育争取跟多资金或削减教育开。In December George Osborne,the chancellor of the exchequer,announced plans to remove a government cap that limits total student numbers.去年12月,英国财政大臣乔治?奥斯本宣布废除政府限制总学生人数的规定。That may now be difficult.现在这项规定可能非常难以实行。Posh universities fear the government will instead cut grants for science or research.富裕的大学担心政府将削减科学或研究资助;Less posh ones worry about being squeezed by loosely regulated private providers offering cheap courses.不那么富裕的大学担心被管理松散的私人培训机构挤兑,因为他们可以提供价格低廉的课程。One solution would be to force universities to take on some of the risk that loans will not be repaid.一个解决办法是迫使大学承担一些贷款无法收回的风险。Universities confident of their graduates career prospects could then charge more or expand numbers without worrying.大学相信他们毕业生的职业前景可观,因此他们可以毫无顾虑的收取更高的费用或扩大招生人数。Others would have to compete by holding fees down or reducing dropout rates.另外那些对自己学生前途没什么信心的学校则必须通过压价或者降低辍学率的方式与他们竞争。It would not be an easy policy to sell.推行新的高校助学贷款政策并非易事,But as Mr Clegg discovered,the right course often is not.但是,或许正如克莱格了解到得那样,正确地道路往往荆棘满途。译者:张丹 校对:邵灵玲 译文属译生译世 /201509/397161

Did you ever wonder what occurs inside your body when something funny happens? 你有没有想过当有趣的事情发生时你身体里面会发生什么?What is this thing we have in our brains that makes us say “ha-ha” when someone slips on a banana?当有人踩到香蕉皮滑倒时我们大脑中是什么让我们发出“哈哈”的大笑声呢?One way to find out is to watch the brain laugh. 寻找的其中一个方法就是观察大脑对于笑的反应。Thats pretty much what Dartmouth neuroscientist William Kelley did. 达特茅斯大学神经学家威廉·凯利所进行的就是这样的研究。He and his team had a number of volunteers watch an episode of Seinfeld while being monitored by an MRI-thats a machine that allows researchers to see which parts of the brain are active at any given time. 他和他的团队让志愿者们收看一集搞笑电视剧《宋飞正传》,而研究人员通过监控机器观察大脑的哪个部分在任何给定的时间是呈现活跃状态。They then synchronized the MRI data with the laugh track to see how the brain changes when its registering something funny. 然后研究人员们将笑的数据同机器进行同步,进而跟踪观察有趣的事情发生时大脑的变化。Theres no one “funny center” in the brain–but the findings were pretty suggestive.大脑中并非存在这样一个“有趣中心”,但这项研究结果却具有启发意义。201502/357499The price of fish鱼类的价格Different scales不同种类有不同情况Fish are getting more expensive, but they do not all move at the same speed鱼类的价格一路走高,然而上升的幅度却各不相同。Upwardly mobile上浮的鱼IT IS a good time to be a fisherman. The global fish-price index of the UNs Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) hit a record high in May. Changing consumer diets, particularly in China, explain much of the sustained upward movement. High oil prices, which increase the cost of fishing and transportation, also add to the price of putting fish on the table.这是个当渔夫的好时代。联合国粮农组织的全球鱼类价格指数在五月份创造了一个新的纪录。消费者们—尤其是中国的消费者们—饮食习惯的改变,是鱼价持续上涨的主要原因。此外,高昂的油价抬高了捕捞和运输成本,这些成本最后又被转嫁到了餐桌上。Not all fish are created equal, however. There are two types of fish production: “capture” (or wild) and “aquaculture” (or farmed). And they seem to be on different trajectories. Fish such as tuna, the majority of which is caught wild, saw much bigger price increases than salmon, which are easier to farm. Overall, the FAOs price index for wild fish nearly doubled between 1990 and 2012, whereas the one for farmed fish rose by only a fifth. What explains this big difference?然而,鱼的种类有许多,价格也参差不齐。鱼的生产方式有两种:捕捞野生鱼和养殖家鱼。两者的价格趋势不尽相同。相比如三文鱼那样容易养殖的鱼种,金鱼这些主要依靠捕捞的鱼种的价格增长就要大得多。 从1990年到2012年,联合国粮农组织的野生鱼类价格指数翻了一番,但家鱼的价格指数只增长了五分之一。这种差别来自哪里呢?The amount of wild fish captured globally has barely changed in the past two decades. The ceiling, of about 90m tonnes a year, seems to have been reached at the end of the 1980s. Overfishing is one reason, as is the limited room for productivity growth, particularly if consumers want high quality.全球野生鱼类的捕捞数量在过去二十年中几乎没有变化。在20世纪80年代末期,就已经达到了9千万吨的极限值。过渡捕捞是一个原因,另一个原因是产率增长的空间有限,尤其是在消费者对质量有很高要求的情况下。Patrice Guillotreau of the University of Nantes tells the story of a fleet in France that decided to trawl, rather than line-catch, its tuna. It brought more back to shore, but the fish were damaged. It could not be sold as high-value fillets and was only good for canning. The old ways of catching fish are still best if you want the highest profits, says Mr Guillotreau.南斯大学的Patrice Guillotreau讲了这么一件事。法国的一个捕捞队用拖网而不是钓绳垂钓的方式来捕捞金鱼。这确实使产量增加了,但鱼也受到了破坏,从而无法做成能卖出高价的条状鱼片而只能用来制作罐头。Guillotreau说,想要保鱼能卖出最好的价钱,用传统的方式来抓鱼仍然是最好的选择。In contrast, the farmed-fish industry continues to make productivity improvements. Fish farms have found crafty ways to use lower quantities of fishmeal as feed. In the early days of aquaculture, it could take up to ten pounds of wild fish to produce one pound of salmon. Now the number is down to five. That may still be an inefficient use of protein, but the ratio is set to improve further. Fish farms have also become more energy-efficient, meaning that they are less affected by higher energy prices. And they have learned how to handle diseases better, reducing the quantity of fish that ends up being unsellable.与之相反,家鱼的产量却不断提高。鱼养殖场已经找到了节省鱼饲料的窍门。在水产养殖业开展的初期,生产一磅大马哈鱼需要多达10磅的野鱼当饲料。现在这个数字已经减少到了5磅。这样养鱼似乎仍然不是高效地利用蛋白质,但这个比率还有进步的空间。现代的养殖场还十分节约能源,这减轻了能源价格上涨带来的影响。而且他们学会了怎么控制鱼类的疾病,从而减少了最后无法卖出的鱼的数量。As a result of all these improvements, the global production of farmed fish, measured in tonnes, now exceeds the production of beef. Output is likely to continue growing: the FAO estimates that by 2020 it will reach six times its 1990 level.所有这些进步使得全球家鱼的产量如果以吨计算的话,已经超过了牛肉的产量,而且还将继续增长:据联合国粮农组织估计,这一数字将在2020年时达到1990年的六倍。This growth will further shake up the markets for fish. The farmed kind is expected to dominate the market for medium-value produce. Suppliers of wild fish, for their part, must slither into niche markets. At the low-value end wild sardine is a crucial input for farmed fish and is in abundant supply. More than a third of the total marine catch in 2010 was used for the production of fishmeal and fish oil.这样的增长还将造成鱼市的重组。家鱼将作为普通商品占据主要的市场份额。而野鱼供应商则逐渐占据高价市场。在市场的低价这一头,则是野生沙丁鱼。沙丁鱼产量巨大,而且是家鱼的一种主要饲料。2010年海洋捕捞总数的1/3以上都被用来制作鱼饲料和鱼油。But more money may be made serving the captains of industry rather than industry itself. Sapmer, a French fishing company, recently discontinued its canned-tuna production, instead concentrating on catching tuna for sushi and sashimi for the top end of the market.然而,务其他行业的巨头们似乎能比从事该行业本身得到更多的利益。法国渔业公司Sapmer最近就关闭了它的金鱼罐头生产线,转而专心于捕捞金鱼来为终端市场的寿司和生鱼片提供原材料。Frank Asche of the University of Stavanger, who helped to devise the FAO fish-price index, sees parallels with the divergence between farmed meat and wild game. As the supply of wild fish declines relative to farmed fish, it will become a luxury commodity, he explains. “In 20 years time people will think of wild fish like we now think of venison.”斯塔万格大学的Frank Asche曾参与了联合国粮农组织鱼价指数的设计。他认为家鱼和野鱼的区别同饲养得到的肉类和狩猎捕获的野味的区别类似。随着野鱼的数量和家鱼相比逐年减少,它将成为一种昂贵的商品,他解释说,“20年内”人们就会像如今怀念山珍野味那样怀念野鱼的味道。翻译 by 胡靓 译文属译生译世 /201509/397858

I am catching upon Girls And Downton Abbey lately. Oh, yeah?我最近在追;都市女孩; 还有;唐顿庄园; 是吗Which I love it. Two completely opposite shows like Well, you know what? - I mean can you image我好爱看 -两部完全不同的剧 你知道吗 我是说你能想象Dreaming about those two bigs mixed together, Girls.把这两部剧搁在一块儿吗...Oh, gonna dress you up in my love,Oh yeah!All over, all over.用我的爱将你盛装打扮 噢耶 浑身上下 不错过每一处Gonna dress you up in my love Our next guest is one of the stars of the most用我的浓情蜜意为你妆点 我们下一位嘉宾是出演过最受欢迎电视剧popular comedy on television, The Big Bang Theory.;生活大爆炸;的演员之一And now he is voicing an adorable alien in the new movie Home.目前他在为新电影;疯狂外星人;中一个可爱的外星人配音Take a look.This is not even music, its just noise.我们来看看 这根本算不上是音乐 不过是噪音而已Involuntary physical response.Confusion! What is happening to my body?这是无意识的生理反应 奇怪 我的身体怎么了Its called dancing.Boovs do not dancing.I cant tell.这叫跳舞 波波星人从不跳舞 那可不一定How long before this kills me?我快疯了 还要跳多久I am not in control of my only extremely.Work it.I do not want it to work.我完全控制不住自己 随它去吧 我不想让它摆来摆去Hey, you know what?Boov rhythms bloom.Shake your butt then.你知道吗 波波星节奏感真棒 扭动你的屁股吧Im shaking in the most undignified way我现在扭来扭去的样子太丢脸了Oh, no! My hands are in the air, like I just do not care.哦 不 我的手自己晃起来了 像是我无所谓它们这样似的Please welcome Jim Parsons.让我们欢迎吉姆·帕森斯 /201601/422355Books and arts Book review Winston Churchills other lives书籍与艺术 书评 丘吉尔的多面人生Mr high-roller大亨No More Champagne: Churchill and His Money. By David Lough.《莫饮香槟:丘吉尔与金钱》作者:戴维·洛Winston Churchill Reporting: Adventures of a Young War Correspondent. By Simon Read. 《温斯顿·丘吉尔报告:年轻战地记者历险记》,作者:西蒙·里德HISTORIANS and many members of the public aly know that Winston Churchill often took high-stakes gambles in his political life.历史学家和许多公众早已知道,温斯顿·丘吉尔在他的政治生涯中经常冒险豪赌。Some, like the disastrous Dardanelles campaign—an audacious attempt he masterminded at the Admiralty to seize the straits of Gallipoli and knock Turkey out of the first world war—he got wrong.有些赌局,比如悲剧色的达达尼尔海峡战役,丘吉尔在海军部策划了这次大胆的军事行动,目的是占领加利波利海峡,迫使土耳其退出第一次世界大战,结果他押错了赌注。Others, notably his decision as prime minister in 1940 to hold out against Nazi Germany until America came to rescue Britain, he got spectacularly right.其他赌局,尤其是他决定在1940年担任英国首相、坚持抵抗纳粹德国到美国前来解救英国的举动,让他赢得了可观的回报。But the extent to which Churchill was a gambler in other spheres of his life has tended not to catch his biographers attention.但是,丘吉尔生活中的其他方面有多少色,却没有得到传记作家的关注。Two new books attempt to fill this gap.有两本新书打算填补这个空白。The first is “No More Champagne” by David Lough, a private-banker-turned-historian who looks at Churchills personal finances during the ups and downs of his career.第一本就是戴维·洛的《莫饮香槟》,这位私人家转行的历史学家分析了丘吉尔在跌宕起伏的职业生涯中的个人财务状况。It is the first biography to focus on this aspect of his life.这是第一本专注丘吉尔财务方面的传记。Mr Lough has trawled through Churchills personal accounts and found that he was as much a risk-taker when it came to his money as he was when he was making decisions at the Admiralty or in Downing Street.戴维·洛查阅了丘吉尔的个人账户,发现他在财务方面敢于承担风险,正如他在海军部或唐宁街做决定时一样大胆。Although Churchill was descended from the Dukes of Marlborough, his parents had “very little money on either side”—though that never stopped them living the high life.尽管丘吉尔是马尔罗公爵的后裔,他的父母却“没有多少钱”,不过这从来不妨碍他们享受上流社会的生活。Neither did it hamper the young Churchill;这对年轻的丘吉尔也没有什么约束;he spent wildly on everything from polo ponies to Havana cigars, a habit he picked up as a war correspondent in Cuba.他花起钱来挥霍无度,无论是打马球的小马,还是哈瓦那雪茄,这是他在古巴当战地记者时养成的习惯。Indeed, between 1908 and 1914 the Churchill household spent an average of 1,160 on wine alone each year—104,400 (5,000) in todays money.事实上,从1908年到1914年,丘吉尔家仅在葡萄酒一项上每年平均花费1160英镑,相当于今天的104400英镑(约合14.5万美元)。It is no wonder, then, that Churchill spent most of his life leaping from one cash flow crisis to another, being perennially behind with his suppliers bills.不过这也难怪,丘吉尔毕生的大部分时间都是刚摆脱现金危机,又陷入财务困境,常年无法偿付他供应商的账单。A nother new book, “Winston Churchill Reporting”, by Simon Read, an American journalist, looks at one of the ways Churchill eventually paid some of them: writing.另一本新书是美国记者西蒙·里德(Simon Read)写的《温斯顿·丘吉尔报告》,他找到了丘吉尔最终偿还部分债务的方法:写作。Mr Read investigates how Churchill went from a young army officer cadet to being Britains highest-earning war correspondent by the age of 25, getting the journalism bug for the rest of his life.里德的调查表明,丘吉尔如何在年仅25岁的时候,就从年轻的军官军校学生变成英国收入最高的战地记者,在他的余生里都紧握新闻这个筹码。The Churchill name certainly helped open newspaper editors doors across London.当然,丘吉尔这个名字帮助他打开整个伦敦的报社编辑室大门。But it was the extent to which the young reporter was willing to take risks on battlefields across the world that marked out his columns from those of his contemporaries.但是,这位年轻记者甘愿冒险奔赴世界各地战场的举动,让他的专栏在同行中脱颖而出。 译文属译生译世 /201603/430238

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