当前位置:黑龙江地方站首页 > 龙江新闻 > 正文


2019年10月17日 20:55:21    日报  参与评论()人

宜城市佛州甜甜圈龟辐射陆龟齿缘龟三线闭壳龟真鳄龟蛇颈龟价格怎么养亚达伯拉象龟饲养方法技术技巧富蕴县拟鳄龟艾氏拟水龟鼋伯格海角陆龟挺胸龟饼干龟缅甸星龟中华草龟价格怎么养 The economic battleground经济战场Gas and chocolate天然气和巧克力Supporting Ukraines economy will not be easy or cheap持乌克兰的经济怕是既不容易也不廉价THE Ukrainian economy is a mess.乌克兰的经济现在是一片混乱。Its currency, the hryvnia, has lost almost 20% of its value in the past month.过去的一个月,其货币格里夫纳已经贬值将近20%。Foreign-exchange reserves have tumbled to billion, despite the imposition of capital controls.尽管实行资本管制, 外汇储备还是已跌至150亿美元。Bank deposits fell by more than 3% in the first half of February and, since the revolution, the government has imposed limits on further withdrawals.二月上旬,存款下跌超过3%,自革命以来, 政府进一步限制提款。Tax revenues have collapsed and pension payments have been delayed.税收收入已经崩溃, 养老金也被推迟。The country was in poor-enough economic shape before all this: it was one of the reasons why Viktor Yanukovych, the deposed president, chose billion in Russian loans over a deal with the European Union—the decision that led to his downfall.此前,乌克兰的经济就已经很是贫困:这也是被废黜的总统亚努科维奇选择了俄罗斯150亿美元的贷款而不是与欧洲联盟的原因之一,此决定导致了他的垮台。Having propped up the Ukrainian economy, Russia seems to have the power, as energy provider, trading partner and creditor, to cripple it.作为乌克兰的能源供应商, 贸易伙伴和债权人,俄罗斯持过乌克兰的经济, 俄罗斯似乎也有能力削弱它。The most obvious economic attack would be to cut off the Ukraines gas.最明显的经济攻击将是切断乌克兰的天然气。That need not have huge effects either on western customers whose gas comes via Ukraine or on Russian gas earnings.这需要不会对天然气运输途经乌克兰的西方客户或俄罗斯天然气收入产生较大影响。Other Russian pipelines could handle much of the gas.其他俄罗斯管道可以处理大部分的天然气。But it would still be a costly tactic, and one to which the Ukrainians are not as vulnerable as they might seem.但这仍将是一个昂贵的策略, 乌克兰人也没有他们看起来那么脆弱。They have large gas-storage facilities conveniently situated in the west of the country. How much gas the stores contain is unclear, and its ownership is murky—but after a mild winter there is probably a buffer of several months.该国西部地区,他们有大型油气储备设施。天然气存储到底有多少还不清楚, 其所有权也很模糊,冬季之后能撑几个月来缓冲。Moreover, Ukraine should be able to import gas from Slovakia, reversing the flow of a main east-west pipeline.此外, 乌克兰还能从斯洛伐克进口天然气,扭转一条重要的东西方管道的流动。It has twice done this on smaller pipelines during previous disputes with Russia.之前与俄罗斯发生过纠纷,他们两次就修建好了一些较小的管道。Trade is also a weapon which imposes costs on the aggressor, but an easier one to wield with precision.贸易也是一种武器, 把成本强加于侵略者,更容易而且精确行使。A quarter of Ukraines exports head east and Vladimir Putin is not shy about messing with them; Russian restrictions, like those placed on Ukrainian chocolate last year, could cost the country billions, with the losses targeted on particular sectors, even particular oligarchs.乌克兰四分之一的出口是往东方出口,弗拉基米尔普京并不羞于干扰;俄罗斯对其进行限制,去年曾搁置乌克兰出口的巧克力造成了上十亿的损失,损失针对特定的行业,甚至特定的寡头。This week Russia banned pork from Ukraine, saying political instability had undermined safety inspections.本周俄罗斯禁止从乌克兰进口猪肉,声称乌克兰的政治不稳定已经破坏了安全检查。Though Mr Putin says he wants to strengthen trade, instability is unlikely to be in short supply over the coming months.尽管普京先生表示, 他希望加强贸易,在未来的几个月不太可能出现供应不足。As a creditor, Russia has given itself room for mischievous manoeuvre.作为债权人,俄罗斯已经给自己恶意操纵的空间。The way its bail-out to Mr Yanukovych, billion of which was delivered before the revolution, was structured gives Mr Putin leverage that could scupper any attempts to reach agreements with other creditors in advance of forthcoming payments.其对亚努科维奇的纾困,革命之前, 就已给了30亿美元,普京目的是破坏乌克兰与其他债权人事先达成协议。And some fine print stipulates that if Ukraines debt-to-GDP ratio exceeds 60% it would automatically be in default.一些细则规定, 如果乌克兰的债务占国民生产总值的比率超过60%, 俄罗斯可以不履行协议。Russias legal poison pills could make dealing with Ukraines debts harder at a time when they are sure to grow; without loans from the West the government will run out of money.俄罗斯的法律毒丸可以让让乌克兰因此债务交易更加困难; 但没有从西方政府贷款,钱还是会用光。If Ukraine had sensible economic policies such loans would be easily made, since the countrys current debt burden, at 47% of GDP, is not excessive.如果乌克兰有明智的经济政策, 这种贷款会很容易, 因为这个国家目前的债务负担占GDP的47%, 并不过多。But Ukraine has almost never had sensible policies; it has profligate ones, and the investors who used to support that profligacy when Ukraine offered high interest rates and a stable currency are now nowhere to be seen.但乌克兰几乎从来没有明智的政策, 挥霍无度,曾经持 挥霍的投资者们所持乌克兰的高利率和稳定的货币政策现在也不可行了。Time for the IMF, which has ample experience with this kind of balance-of-payments crisis.国际货币基金组织行动的时候了,它有足够的经验处理这种国际收平衡危机。The standard remedy includes tough reforms—in Ukraines case, a large depreciation, slashed energy subsidies and big budget cuts—in return for funds to tide the country over until it can once again borrow from private markets.规范的补救措施包括艰难的改革,对于乌克兰的这种情况, 需要一次货币大贬值, 削减能源补贴和大幅削减财政预算来换取资金,直到这个国家渡过难关, 直到能再一次实行私人市场。Ukraine probably needs billion to billion in budgetary finance to last until after the May election.乌克兰可能需要30亿美元到40亿美元财政预算将持续到5月大选之后。A larger loan of billion would allow it to meet its external financial obligations for the next year.150亿美元更大的贷款, 将可能会让其完成外部金融义务。America is keen for the IMF to negotiate a big package of loans and reforms as soon as possible, arguing that Ukraines transitional government not only needs the support, but also can make progress where others have failed.美国希望国际货币基金组织协商尽快提供大的贷款和改革方案, 认为乌克兰的过渡政府不仅需要持, 也可以在别人失败的地方取得进展。Alexander Turchinov, the interim president, has aly said he would accept all the IMFs terms, including draconian spending cuts.Alexander Turchinov临时总统已经表示, 他将接受所有国际货币基金组织的条件, 包括严厉的削减开。But many of the IMFs technocrats, and its member countries, dislike the idea of America using the fund as a geopolitical tool—worries given a bitter edge by the fact that Americas Congress recently refused to approve an expansion of the funds coffers.但国际货币基金组织的许多技术专家, 和它的成员国,不喜欢美国的想法,把基金作为地缘政治工具-担心最近美国国会拒绝批准扩大基金的资金是给定了一个痛苦的边缘。They would prefer that the IMF chip in billion, with few strings attached, under its Rapid Financing Instrument.货币基金采取快速的融资,给其10亿美元 并附加一些条件。Other short-term help is available.他们更希望国际其他短期帮助也可以。On March 5th the EU offered 1.6 billion in short-term macroeconomic assistance, as well as a lot of development aid in the longer term.3月5日欧盟提供16亿作为短期宏观经济援助, 以及大量的长期发展援助。Add in the billion loan guarantee announced by John Kerry this week and Ukraine can probably stumble along until May, at which point a newly elected government could negotiate a long-term package.约翰克里在本周宣布了10亿美元贷款担保,到5月乌克兰可能会踉跄前行 , 那时新当选的政府可以协商一个长期计划。The politics of the rescue may get harder when it becomes clear where some of the money will end up.我们很清楚,随着钱的用完,救援举措也会变得困难。Using Western taxpayers money to pay off Mr Putin or the hedge funds that bought high-yielding Ukrainian debt is an ugly prospect.用西方纳税人的钱来偿还普京或者高收益债券的对冲基金是一个丑陋的前景。So Ukraine may try to renegotiate terms with its bondholders, which would be where Mr Putins leverage could come into play.所以乌克兰可能尝试与债券持有人重新谈判合同条款, 普京也会利用杠杆作用做文章。But it would also be where a reform plan with solid Western support would yield dividends.这也将是一个西方持的改革计划,会产生红利。If Ukraines economy is being transformed and the IMF is satisfied, Russian bloody-mindedness need not slow the countrys return to the market, even if it forces a form of default.如果乌克兰的经济转变了, 国际货币基金组织对其满意, 需要俄罗斯不找茬阻碍乌克兰重返市场, 即便是它迫使违约。But if Ukraines reform commitment wobbles, Russia has room to cause yet more trouble.但如果乌克兰改革承诺一旦晃动, 俄罗斯会有机会制造更多的麻烦。 201403/283053Finance and economics财经商业Free exchange自由交易One of the giants巨人Ronald Coase, the economist who explained why firms exist, died on September 2nd, aged 102罗纳德科斯,著名经济学家,于9月2日逝世,享年102岁。他向世人阐明了企业存在原因。I HAVE made no innovations in high theory, was how Ronald Coase modestly summed up his lifes work.罗纳德科斯如是总结他一生的事业:在高层理论研究中,我并没有创新。My contribution to economics has been to urge the inclusion…of features of the economic system so obvious that…they have tended to be overlooked.我对经济领域的贡献在于,将甄选经济指标这一步骤引入人们视野,而之前,人们对此并不重视。Attention to the overlooked helped Mr Coase transform both law and economics.而正是他对这一被忽视的步骤的注意使得他改变了法律与经济。Born in the London suburb of Willesden in 1910 to working-class parents,1910年,罗纳德科斯出生在伦敦威尔斯登的一个工人家庭,Mr Coase had an academic temperament and an interest in science but lacked a taste for mathematics, a flaw that might have kept him out of economics in later decades.他很有学术天赋,对于科学也很有兴趣,遗憾的是他缺少对数学的尝试,也许这就是使得他在接下来的十年中无缘经济的原因。He studied commerce at the London School of Economics, a course tailored to those destined for middle management.科斯在伦敦经济学院学习贸易,这一学科是给将来的中层管理者量身定做的。The degree included instruction in economics, and he quickly fell for the dismal science.该学科包含了经济介绍,科斯很快便迷上了政治经济。A one-year travelling scholarship gave him the chance to apply what he had learned.一年的旅行奖金给予了科斯将所学应用于实践的机会,He chose to tour Americas industrial cities in the hope of answering a question that troubled him:他来到美国工业城市,希望能在这找到一直困扰他的问题:why did companies exist?企业为何存在。Economists of the time were enthralled by the special magic of the price mechanism.时下的经济学家都被价格机制的神奇魔力吸引。In a free market, prices should adjust to allocate resources where they are most valued.在自由市场,通过价格的变动来分配资源,使尽其用。A certain price for wool, for example, encourages farmers to raise sheep and bring wool to market to meet consumer demand.例如,如果羊毛价格高,农民就会更多的喂养羊群,将羊毛销往市场以满足需求。As more is produced and demand is sated the price falls, discouraging farmers from wasting time and resources producing unwanted goods.当生产的羊毛越来越多,需求被不断满足,价格就会下降,这就使农民减少生产,避免将时间跟精力浪费在非需商品上。Yet whereas some parts of the economy rely on prices to guide materials and labour to their best uses, others do not.经济在某些方面依靠价格来引导资源和劳力发挥最大作用,而其他方面又并非如此。Within firms tasks are doled out by fiat and strategies are set by the Politburo of the corporate board. Mr Coase wanted to know why.在企业里,高层向下布置任务,企业董事会制定政策。科斯想知道为什么是这样的模式。As he watched American car plants in action, he realised that the existence of the firm compensated for a critical flaw in the price-setting mechanism.就在科斯观察美国汽车工厂运行时,他意识到企业的存在正好弥补了价格生成机制中最严重的漏洞。In the real world it is often costly for buyer and seller to arrive at a final price.现实生活中,让买家跟商家达成最后的交易价格很费力。Transaction costs, like the need to negotiate or draw up contracts, prevent the price mechanism from working smoothly.交易成本,例如协商,签合同,这些都会使价格机制无法平稳运行。Firms would exist, he reckoned, when it was cheaper and easier to co-ordinate activity within a centrally planned organisation than to spell out contract details for every step in the production process.科斯猜想,当在一个有中心规划的机构里,协调各部门行动比在生产过程中为每一步都签订详细合同的成本更低更便捷,企业就出现了。Mr Coase first presented his proposition in a lecture in Dundee in 1932, at the tender age of 21.科斯首次提出这样的主张是他1932年在英国敦堤的一次演讲中,当时他才21岁。In 1937 he published The Nature of the Firm, an article based on the Dundee lecture.1937年,他以在敦堤的演讲为基础出版了《企业的性质》。An entire field of research would eventually be built on this paper, but it garnered scant attention at first.后来整个领域的研究都是以科斯在敦堤的演讲内容为基础,只是一开始并未引起很多人的注意。Mr Coase bounced around British academia in the 1930s and 1940s, from Dundee to Liverpool and back to the LSE, researching the workings of public utilities as he went.上个世纪30跟40年代,科斯在英国学术界十分活跃,从敦堤到利物浦,然后又回到伦敦经济学院,科斯一路研究公共事业公司的运行机制。In 1951 he migrated to America and proved similarly itinerant, until an article on radio-spectrum property rights caught the eye of scholars at the University of Chicago.1951年,他移民到美国,并不断地继续明类似的理论,直到射频频谱的知识产权一文的发表才吸引了芝加哥大学学者们的眼球。In 1959 he was invited to Chicago to air his views.1959年,科斯受邀到芝加哥去阐明他的观点,His audience included future Nobel prizewinners like George Stigler and Milton Friedman:底下的观众包括像未来诺贝尔得奖者乔治·施蒂格勒,弥尔顿·弗里德曼。confident, room-commanding men sceptical of Mr Coases conclusions.他们自信对科斯的结论表示怀疑。Over the course of a two-hour discussion the measured Mr Coase won them around.在两个小时的讨论之后,科斯终于得到他们的认可。He was asked to write up his arguments and in 1961 produced The Problem of Social Cost, another landmark text.科斯尽数写下他的观点,并于1961年出版了另一代表作《社会成本问题》。By 1964 Mr Coase was on the University of Chicagos faculty.从1964年起,科斯一直在芝加哥大学任教。His debates with the Chicago academics centred on market externalities:科斯与芝加哥的学者们围绕市场外部性进行了讨论:economic choices that impose social costs or benefits on others.经济选择会带来利益或需要社会成本。Factory pollution may disturb or poison nearby residents, for example.例如,工厂污染会影响或者危害周围的居民。Earlier generations of economists diagnosed a market failure that governments could set to rights.以往的经济学家得出政府能调整市场失败的结论。The polluting factory does not face any costs from spouting black smoke over a town: the costs are external from its perspective.污染性工厂对于向城镇释放黑烟的成本表示无压力,因为这个成本在他们的估算外。A tax on pollution would internalise the cost, however.但是征收污染税能将这个成本内部化,The price mechanism would work once more, as the tax encouraged the factorys managers to reduce pollution to socially optimal levels.于是价格机制再一次生效,因为税收能迫使工厂管理者将污染物的排放减少到社会最优水平。Mr Coases work suggested another answer.科斯的成果又暗示了另一个结论。In the world of theory, without transaction costs, no government intervention would be needed to address externalities.理论上说,如果没有交易成本,就不需要政府干预来强调外部性。The factory owners and the residents could work out side-payments on their own.工厂拥有者跟居民他们自己就能达成赔偿协议,Residents might pay the factory to emit less or the factory might pay the town for leeway to pollute more.居民能弥补工厂,让他们少排放,工厂也能赔偿给居民,使自己多排放,Either way an efficient outcome should result without government help. This Panglossian view became known as the Coase Theorem.其中任一有效的办法都不需要政府的帮助。这种趋于至善的观点就变成了科斯理论。Yet Mr Coase himself recognised life is more complex than theory.但是科斯本人也意识到现实远比理论复杂。Neither private bargaining nor a pollution tax can make a market perfectly efficient given transaction costs like the expense of monitoring a factorys emissions.如果考虑到像监控工厂排放这样的交易成本,不管是私下解决或者立法征税,都不能使市场最有效。Mr Coase reckoned the law had a critical economic responsibility: to minimise the disruptive effect of these costs on markets.于是科斯想到法律负很大的经济责任:法律能最小化交易成本对市场的负面影响。A system of clear and easily transferable property rights can play a role like that of the firm, allowing useful economic activity to take place that might otherwise be gummed up by the hassle of negotiating and enforcing contracts.一个清晰并且容易转让的产权体系能扮演一个类似企业这样的角色,它可以保那些可能被协商跟强加协议弄砸但其实有利可寻的经济活动的正常进行。His insight revolutionised policy.科斯这般的洞察力使政策发生了变革。Tradable emissions permits, which helped eliminate acid rain as an environmental problem in America, are a direct application of his work.可议的排放许可就是科斯理论成果最直接的应用,这项应用帮助降低了美国酸雨这样的环境问题。Almost 70 years after that first Dundee lecture Mr Coase won the Nobel prize for economics.大概在科斯第一次敦堤演讲70年后,他获得了诺贝尔经济学奖。A scholar must be content with the knowledge that what is false in what he says will soon be exposed, he noted in his speech.他在他的演讲中提到:一个学者应该有他话语里的错误会很快被揭露的意识,并且要对此感到满意,As for what is true, he can count on ultimately seeing it accepted, if only he lives long enough.因为只要他活得够长,他就能寄希望于看见那些正确的道理被人们接受。 /201309/258154东丰县苏卡达象龟地龟刺山龟麝香龟欧洲陆龟日本石龟哈米顿氏龟价格怎么养

安阳县佛州甜甜圈龟辐射陆龟齿缘龟三线闭壳龟真鳄龟蛇颈龟价格怎么养印度棱背乌龟品种介绍种类区别 The economics of equity research股票研究经济学Analyse this分析分析The old model of stockmarket research is changing股市研究的旧模式正在改变。Sep 21st 2013 |From the print editionEQUITY research is meant to benefit both providers and recipients. It ought to help investors to allocate money more profitably. And the banks that give their clients free access to research hope that it will help them generate revenues from equity trading. But neither party is much satisfied by the conventional model.股票研究本应发行者和股东双双受益。应该帮助投资者更有利润的分配资金。为客户提供免费研究报告的希望这会帮助客户从股权交易中去的收益。但是双方对常规的模式都不满意。Start with the banks. A fall in trading revenues makes the economics of providing research less attractive. Between and 2013, total equity-trading commissions paid to brokers fell from .9 billion to .3 billion in America, and from euros 4.2 billion (.6 billion) to euros 3 billion in Europe, according to Greenwich Associates, a consultancy. The rise of passive investing and the sp of algorithmic trading have both reduced margins and dampened demand for research produced by and for humans.交易收入的下降使得经济学研究逐渐丧失吸引力。这从开始。根据咨询机构Greenwich Associates的数据,在年到2013年之间,在美国总股本交易中付给经纪人的佣金从139亿美元跌到了93亿美元,欧洲则从42亿欧元跌到了30亿欧元。被动投资的兴起以及算法交易的扩张都使得研究资料的利润率下降,需求也有所放缓。Nomura recently slashed its equity-research division to focus on its electronic-trading business, Instinet. Other banks are also cutting back. Global sell-side research budgets fell from a 2007 peak of .2 billion to just .8 billion in 2013, according to Frost Consulting. Sector coverage has contracted: banks now concentrate on large-cap sectors like oil, where trading volumes and revenue potential are higher.野村最近缩减了其股票研究部门,将注意力集中于电子交易公司Instinet。其他也正在削减研究部门。根据弗罗斯特咨询公司的数据,全球出售方的研究经费已经从2007年峰值的82亿美元降到了2013年的48亿美元。研究数据的行业覆盖率叶缩减了,现在集中在像原油等大宗商品行业,这些行业的交易量和收益潜力较高。Work has been shovelled to cheaper places to save cash. Much of Citigroup’s American equity coverage is now produced in Buffalo, New York. Deutsche Bank and J.P. Morgan have sent research work as far afield as India. Low-value-added tasks like data-crunching are not the only jobs being shipped out, claims Marc Vollenweider at Evalueserve, an outsourcing specialist. This process has its limits, however: client meetings still wholly happen face to face.工作都转移到了成本更低的地方以节省现金。花旗的美国股票报道现在在纽约的布法罗发出。德意志和JP根已经将研究工作转移到了印度。专业外包公司Evalueserve的Marc Vollenweider表示,不仅仅是像数据运算这些低附加值的任务被转移。但是,这个过程也有其局限性,客户会议仍然全部为面对面会议。The attitude of asset managers is also hardening. With research expenses “bundled” into commissions for executing trades, brokers tend to flood their clients with research reports in order to try to grab a larger slice of trading revenues. Asset managers leave most of them un. A survey by Britain’s CFA Society found that only 22% of its members thought this model best serves the interests of investors.资产管理公司的态度也在变硬。随着研究经费“捆绑”到执行交易的佣金中,经纪人往往给他们客户提供大量的研究报告,以此在交易收益中获得更大的比例。资产管理公司的这些材料大都没读过。英国CFA协会进行的一项调查发现,只有22%的成员认为这种模式最符合投资者的利益。Independent research outfits offer an alternative. Though small, their share of the “research vote”, an estimate of market share produced by Greenwich Associates, has grown since 2011. They are untainted by the conflicts of interest that bedevil banks offering research on clients, and that led to a 2003 settlement enforcing stricter separation of investment banking and research in America. In Europe “commission sharing agreements” have grown in popularity since they were introduced in 2003. These unbundle brokers’ commissions into costs for executing trades and costs for research, which clients can use to buy services from third parties.独立研究团队是另一个选择。尽管规模很小,但是据Greenwich Associates的市场份额数据,他们的“研究选择”比例自2011年来有所增长。他们受到长期困扰给客户提供调查报告的利益冲突的影响,这导致了在2003年美国出台了针对投资和研究机构更严格的分离。在欧洲,“佣金分成协议”自从2003年引入以来,已经变得越来越流行。这些自由的经纪人的佣金用于执行交易和研究的花费,客户可以用来从第三方购买务。Independent providers do not have an answer to every problem: making research on smaller firms profitable is a perennial issue. But they do offer radically different services from the banks’ unimaginative valuation models. Bespoke services are in demand. Hedge funds now use research dollars to pay for ground surveillance on the progress of mining or oil projects in Africa, in order to value them better. Others take to the sky. RS Metrics, a satellite-intelligence provider, has reported strong demand from the financial sector for its aerial-imaging services. Some funds even hire former intelligence agents, from firms like Business Intelligence Advisors, to test whether corporate bosses are massaging the truth in investor meetings.独立研究提供者不想回答所有问题:研究小公司获利是一个长期的问题。但是,他们确实提供区别于缺乏想象力的估值模型之外的完全不同的务。定制务是有需求的。现在,对冲基金运用研究资金付非洲矿业或石油项目进展的地面监测,为了更好的对这些项目进行估值。其他采取空中监视。RS Metrics是一个卫星情报提供商,该公司表示金融公司对他们的空中成像务需求强劲。一些基金甚至从类似商业情报顾问的公司雇佣了前情报人员考查公司老板们有没有在投资者会议上说实话。Old-style research is not about to die. Big banks retain 56.2% of the “research vote” (smaller brokers take another large chunk). Bank bosses still value the support research analysts can give their profitable investment-banking and corporate-advisory businesses. But with budgets under pressure and competition growing, the market is becoming more efficient.旧式研究不会消失。大的“研究选择”比例仍然在56.2%(稍小的经纪人占了剩下的比例)。老板仍人重视持研究分析给自己投资和咨询公司业务带来利润。但是预算压力以及竞争的增加使得市场变得更有效率。 /201309/258278茂名市印度棱背龟佛罗里达红肚龟黄腿象龟中部锦龟安南龟海龟扁头长颈龟价格怎么养

沂水县佛州甜甜圈龟辐射陆龟齿缘龟三线闭壳龟真鳄龟蛇颈龟价格怎么养 Finance and economics财经商业Defining class in Mexico墨西哥阶层划定Middle worth中产阶级的价值Politicians and statisticians hunt for the middle class政治家和统计员们寻找中产阶级IN THE hallowed name of the middle class, Mexicos politicians have been doing a lot of huffing and puffing lately.在中产阶级的神圣名义下,墨西哥的政治家最近一直在进行大量愤怒抨击。The source of their indignation is the presidents plan to raise income tax on annual salaries over 500,000 pesos and impose value-added tax on private schooling and mortgage payments.他们愤怒的起因是总统对年工资收入超过500,000比索的人提高所得税和对私人学校和抵押贷款征收增值税的计划。That, the peoples representatives complain, would beat the stuffing out of ordinary, hard-working families, so they plan to spare them the tax on schooling and housing.这样的话,人民的代表们抱怨道,会使普通的,努力工作的家庭一蹶不振,所以他们打算帮他们在教育和房贷方面减轻税务负担。If only the middle class were so lucky.如果中产阶级有这么幸运的话。According to measurements by the national statistics institute, most of its members earn nowhere near the 500,000-peso threshold, let alone send their children to private school or pay mortgages.根据国家统计局的测量,它的大部分成员每年赚的远远不到500,000门槛,更不用说送他们的孩子去私人学校或者付抵押贷款了。Defining the middle class in Mexico has become a subject of fierce debate since two pundits, Luis de la Calle and Luis Rubio, published a book last year called Mexico: A Middle Class Society.明确在墨西哥的中产阶级成为激烈辩论的一个话题,自从两个学者,Luis de Ia Calle and Luis Rubio,去年出版了一本名为墨西哥:一个中产阶级社会。Poor No More, Developed Not Yet.不再贫穷,尚未发达。It claimed that more than half of Mexicos population had joined the bourgeoisie.它声称超过一半的墨西哥人口已经成为了资产阶级。INEGIs statisticians were sceptical, partly because the book used access to technology as a measure of social status.国家统计局的统计员们对此持怀疑态度,部分是因为这本书以接触到现代科技作为社会地位的估量措施。So the institute set out to develop a new definition, not based on any preconceptions of what a middle-class household should look like.所以这个机构着手发展一个新的定义,不是基于任何对中产阶级的房子应该是什么样子的先入之见。First, INEGI looked at spending rather than income.首先,国家统计局把视线投向花费而不是收入。It reckoned spending is less likely to be underreported in its household surveys, and may also incorporate information about savings and expected future earnings.它认为花费更不可能在家庭调查中被低估,并且它可能还包含着储蓄和预期未来收入的信息。Household spending, however, can be a slippery gauge of social status.不过家庭花费可能是社会地位一个不容易捉摸的标准。It may rise in families with many children and fall among the elderly.它可能在孩子很多的家庭上升和老年人下降。It can be distorted by one-off events, such as illness or funerals.它可能被一次性的事件曲解,例如疾病或者葬礼。So INEGI focused on 17 categories of spending that are recurrent and to some extent discretionary, such as the number of rooms in a home, or outlays on chicken, education or haircuts.所以国家统计局集中关注17种周期性的并且在某种程度上具有任意性的花费,例如家里的房间数,或者在鸡肉上的花费,教育或者美发。This allowed INEGI to sort households into seven groups.这样使国家统计局将家庭分为七个种类。It then analysed these using more typical variables, such as income per head, education, age, family size and type of work.它接着使用更多的典型变量来分析这些家庭,如每个人头的收入,教育,年龄,家庭规模和工作类型。The combination of the two forms of analysis allowed it to establish levels of income at which consumption patterns tend to change.两种分析形式的结合让它能确立收入水平,在这种水平下消费模式有变化的趋势。INEGI concluded that Mexicos middle class, at 39% of the population, was much smaller than Messrs De la Calle and Rubio had estimated, but in keeping with the estimates of institutions like the World Bank.国家统计局总结墨西哥的中产阶级,占人口的39%,远远小于两位学者曾经估计的,而与像世界之类的机构估计一致。Moreover, middle-class Mexicans are not nearly as affluent as the politicians imagine, even if they are a lot more secure than those beneath them. Annual incomes reach only about 120,000 pesos—less than a quarter of the sum needed to enter the top tax bracket.更进一步,中产墨西哥人不是如同政治家们想象的那么富裕的,尽管他们要远远比那些在他们之下的人要安全的多。Only 29% of the middle class have children at private school, and just 9% pay mortgages.年度收入仅仅为120,000比索—少于进入最高税级所需要数额的四分之一。仅仅有29%的中产阶级的孩子在私人学校上学,以及9%在付房贷。Politicians, in contrast, earn upwards of 1m pesos a year, which makes them almost ten times wealthier than a middle-class person as defined by INEGI.政治家们,相反,每年赚超过1百万比索,这让他们几乎比一个被国家统计局定义为中产阶级的人富有十倍。No wonder they are out of touch.难怪他们与现实脱节。 /201310/260335化隆回族自治县苏卡达象龟地龟刺山龟麝香龟欧洲陆龟日本石龟哈米顿氏龟价格怎么养鄱阳县苏卡达象龟地龟刺山龟麝香龟欧洲陆龟日本石龟哈米顿氏龟价格怎么养



烟台市拟鳄龟艾氏拟水龟鼋伯格海角陆龟挺胸龟饼干龟缅甸星龟中华草龟价格怎么养 安南龟养殖技术方法吃什么康问答 [详细]
大石桥市印度棱背龟佛罗里达红肚龟黄腿象龟中部锦龟安南龟海龟扁头长颈龟价格怎么养 平度市拟鳄龟艾氏拟水龟鼋伯格海角陆龟挺胸龟饼干龟缅甸星龟中华草龟价格怎么养 [详细]
西乡县佛州甜甜圈龟辐射陆龟齿缘龟三线闭壳龟真鳄龟蛇颈龟价格怎么养 飞信息察哈尔右翼前旗黄缘盒亚洲巨龟加拉巴哥象龟锯缘龟缅甸陆龟黄头庙龟价格怎么养乐视口碑 [详细]
导医时讯班戈县印度星龟密西西比红耳龟黄头侧颈龟东部网目鸡龟价格怎么养 西藏自治区拟鳄龟艾氏拟水龟鼋伯格海角陆龟挺胸龟饼干龟缅甸星龟中华草龟价格怎么养挂号大全莎车县马来食螺龟云南闭壳龟马来西亚巨龟豹斑象龟黄额盒龟价格怎么养 [详细]