襄阳市东风人民医院盆腔炎多少钱网上分类

来源:搜狐娱乐
原标题: 襄阳市东风人民医院盆腔炎多少钱导医大全
Donald Trump’s election campaign played like a special edition of The Apprentice, his best-known reality television vehicle one in which the winner gets to direct the free world rather than a handful of Trump-branded projects.唐纳特朗Donald Trump)的竞选活动就像是他最出名的真人秀《学徒The Apprentice)的一期特别节目,不过获胜者的奖励不是得以执掌几个特朗普旗下的项目,而是得以执掌自由世界。As interesting, and worrying, as the question of what a businessman with no political experience might do to the presidency is what effect Mr Trump’s success could have on business leadership.除了一名毫无政治经验的商人会对总统这一职位产生何种影响这个问题外,特朗普的成功可能对商业领袖产生何种影响也是一个同样有趣而又令人担忧的问题。His victory looks like a throwback to the late 1990s: the older, white, male chief executive in suit and tie, peddling platitudes from a podium. 他的胜利看起来就像倒退到上世纪90年代末:那个西装革履、年迈的、白人男性首席执行官,在宣讲台上兜售着那套陈词滥调。Not that he ever went away, as is obvious from a glance at US corporate boardrooms, where only one in five directors are women and fewer are from minorities.他从未离开,只用撇一眼美国企业的董事会就能明显看出这一点——仅有五分之一的董事为女性,少数族裔董事的比例更少。But the accession of Mr Trump to the top job is not only a comfort to the many executives who look like him. 但特朗普就任最高领导人一职,不仅慰藉了很多看起来像他一样的高管。He’s a businessman, was also a common prefix to votersjustification of their support, as a sample of post-poll vox pops reveals. 正如民调后民意访问的样本所揭示的那样, 他是个商人也是选民们解释自己为何持特朗普的常见开场白。He’s a businessman. 他是个商人。If anyone can fix this mess, he can, Rodney Bridges told reporters in South Carolina; He’s a businessman, not a politician so there’s no BS, offered Cathy House of Washington in another round-up of voter opinions; We need somebody to run [the] country like a businessman, claimed Joseph Baljak in Ohio.如果有谁能解决这个烂摊子的话,那就是他了,罗德尼.布里奇斯(Rodney Bridges)在南卡罗来纳州告诉记者称;他是个商人、不是政客,所以不会胡说八道,华盛顿的凯西.豪斯(Cathy House)在另一项民调提要中表示;我们需要一个像商人一样‘经营’(这个)国家的人,俄亥俄州的约瑟夫.巴利亚克(Joseph Baljak)宣称。Leave aside the questions of whether a country can be run like a company (it really can’t) or whether businessmen have given up spouting BS (they really haven’t), the cult of the imperial business leader clearly persists in the popular imagination. 暂且抛开国家能否像企业一样经营的问题(其实真的不能)不谈、也先不讨论商人是否已经改掉了滔滔不绝地胡说八道的毛病(他们真的没有),对帝王型商业领袖的信仰明显依然存在于大众的想象中。Not the least disturbing aspect of Mr Trump’s election is that his rise is likely to reinforce this religion at businesses that were starting to grow out of it.特朗普的竞选最令人不安的一点是,他的崛起可能会在本已开始摆脱这种信仰的企业界中强化这种信仰。There is a place for top-down leadership. 自上而下的领导方式有其一席之地。One chief executive who had inherited the role from a notoriously autocratic predecessor rebuked me recently for suggesting such leadership traits were outmoded. 最近,一名从出了名得独断专行的前任手中继承衣钵的首席执行官,指责我不应暗示这种领导方式已经过时。On the contrary, he said, executives will always need to be capable of exerting a firm grip in a crisis, say. 他称,事实正好相反,高管们始终都需要能够牢牢掌控局面——比如在危机中。But he added that problems arise when leaders take autocracy to extremes. 但他补充称,当这种独断超过一定限度时,问题就会出现。Even if Mr Trump tempers his worst instincts, or has them checked and balanced by the US political system, the method of his accession has set a terrible leadership example.即便特朗普按耐住自己最糟糕的本能反应、或接受美国政治体制的制衡,他登上总统之位的方式也为各行各业的领袖树立了坏榜样。Gianpiero Petriglieri, of Insead Business School, points out that Mr Trump is not a command-and-control leader in the mould of business geniuses such as Steve Jobs or Henry Ford. 欧洲工商管理学院(Insead Business School)的詹皮耶罗.彼得里列Gianpiero Petriglieri)指出,特朗普不是像史蒂夫.乔布Steve Jobs)和亨福特(Henry Ford)等商业天才那样的指挥控制型领导人。He falls instead into a category of narcissistic leaders. 相反,他属于那种自恋型领导人。When they appeal to the tribal instinct that we are good and they are evil, they risk unleashing forces that are, Prof Petriglieri told me, very hard to command and almost impossible to control.彼得里列里教授告诉我,当他们利用我们是好人,他们是坏人的古老本能时,他们可能会释放出一些非常难以指挥并且几乎无法控制的力量。Some narcissistic traits help leaders make it to the top. 一些自恋特征能够帮助领导人站上权力巅峰。Self-confidence, ambition, extroversion: these are the very essence of what makes a successful candidate in The Apprentice and a critical part of a politician’s surface attraction to voters.自信、野心、外向,这些是造就成功的《学徒》候选人的核心品质,也是政客对选民外在吸引力的关键成分。It is no coincidence that The Apprentice, at least in Mr Trump’s US version, spawns more self-promoting celebrities than successful executives. 《学徒》(至少在特朗普的美国版里)催生的自我推销型名人多过成功高管,这并非偶然。The format, like that of a 21st-century political campaign, encourages candidates to big themselves up at the expense of rivals and even team members. 就像21世纪的政治竞选活动一样,该节目的模式鼓励候选人以牺牲竞争对手、甚至团队成员为代价抬升自己。An analysis of their technical aptitude or capacity for sustained hard work would make for dull television in the same way that Hillary Clinton found such traits turned off many voters.对他们的专业天赋或持续辛勤工作的能力进行分析会让节目变得无趣,就像希拉里.克林Hillary Clinton)发现这些品质会让很多选民失去兴趣一样。In excessive doses, though, narcissism may hinder leaderseffectiveness and even prompt them to take unnecessary risks.不过,自恋过度可能有碍领导人的效率,甚至促使他们冒不必要的风险。After a number of chief executives ran into scandal and opprobrium in the early 2000s, companiesappetite for great man leaders seemed to wane. 2000年代初,在一些CEO们陷入丑闻并遭到指责后,企业对伟人型领导人的兴趣似乎减弱了。Academic attention switched to the question of how groups behaved and the more nuanced and inclusive virtues of collaboration and teamwork.学术界的关注转向群体如何表现以及合作和团队协作等更微妙和具有包容性的美德。But Mr Trump’s success is even now writing itself into leadership guides and business school courses. 但是现在特朗普的成功甚至被写入了领导力指南和商学院的课程里。It is certain to tempt more executives to emulate his self-aggrandisement as a shortcut to power, while neglecting the essential but tricky challenge of how to run the organisation once they get there. 这必然会诱使更多高管去模仿特朗普的自命不凡,以此作为获取权力的捷径,而忽视了在得到权力后所面临的根本而又棘手的挑战——如何管理这个组织。The scrutiny of investors, directors, regulators and media, may find out these tyro corporate leaders before they can do much damage. 股东、董事、监管机构和媒体的仔细审视,或许会在这些新手企业领袖造成重大损害前发现问题。But some will slip through to board level. 但会有一些漏网之鱼溜入董事会级别。Other potential bosses, less Trump-like in look or temperament, will simply never try to get there.其他有潜力到达董事级别、但在形象或性情上不那么像特朗普的人,则永远不会尝试到达那个级别。There is another possibility, of course: the president-elect will rein in his self-regard, cultivating a capacity for deft delegation and diligent management that will fulfil his supportersdesire for an effective businessman-in-chief. 当然,还有另外一种可能性:这位当选总统将收敛他的自恋,培养熟练委派和勤奋管理的能力,满足其持者对一个高效的商人统帅的渴望。On current form, though, that looks a tall order.不过,以目前形势来看,这似乎是一项艰巨的任务。来 /201612/485399In Nigeria, there is a hashtag doing the rounds: #BringBack-Corruption. A tongue-in-cheek repudiation of the anti-corruption drive being spearheaded by President Muhammadu Buhari, the campaign nevertheless reflects real anger at rising hardship. 在尼日利亚,有一个正在迅速流传的话题标签还我腐败#(#BringBack-Corruption)。这是对尼日利亚总统穆罕默杜#8226;布哈Muhammadu Buhari)发起的反腐行动的戏谑的批评,尽管如此,这一批评的确反映出他们对尼日利亚日益加剧的困境的真切愤怒Never mind that the main culprit of Nigeria’s woes is the price of oil: at a barrel, a big comedown for a mono-commodity state whose cronies, schemers and skimmers have grown accustomed to the 0-a-barrel lifestyle. Not a few Nigerians, even those too poor and too removed from power to leech off the petro-economy, are blaming Mr Buhari’s war on graft for their misfortune. 没有人在意的是,造成尼日利亚困境的罪魁祸首其实是油价:现在的油价是每0美元,这让这个依赖单一大宗商品的国家非常落魄(这个国家的当权者的亲信、阴谋家和揩油者已经习惯了油价处于每桶100美元时的生活方式)。相当多的尼日利亚人,甚至是那些极度贫困、极度无权无势以至于无法从石油经济中捞油水的人,都指责布哈里的反腐斗争导致了他们的困境“With corruption a bag of pure water was N80. Without corruption a bag of pure water is N150 #BringBack-Corruption goes a typical refrain. Another highlights one company’s efforts to wring more profit from a shrivelling market. “Titus Sardine started with 4 fishes, it reduced to 3. Now it’s 2. In years to come, you’ll open Sardine and see ‘Try Again, No fish this time#BringBackCorruption.“有腐败的时候一袋纯净水要80奈拉。没有腐败的时候一袋纯净水要150奈拉#还我腐败#”,这是一条具有代表性的抱怨。另一条抱怨表明一家公司从萎缩的市场中挤出多一点利润的尝试。“Titus牌沙丁鱼罐头最开始一罐里头有4条鱼,然后减少到条。现在有2条。未来几年,你打开沙丁鱼罐头以后会看到‘再试一次,这次没有鱼#还我腐败#”Mr Buhari has indeed made the pursuit of corruption, along with the fight against Boko Haram terrorists, his biggest priority, though the link with rising prices or diminishing fish portions is not entirely obvious. Despite there being little if any direct correlation, many say that a whole system once lubricated by under-the-table money has simply seized up. 布哈里的确将打击腐败和科哈拉姆(Boko Haram)恐怖分子放在了首位——尽管这和物价上升或者鱼肉份量减少之间的联系并不明显。直接联系即使有的话,也很微弱,但许多人说,整个曾经靠台面下资金的润滑得以运转的体制如今已经停止运作Mr Buhari, a retired general, ran the country in the early 1980s after seizing power the old-fashioned way in a military coup. He also railed against the endemic corruption that made Nigeria notorious, even in Africa. Whatever traction he gained during two years of military rule was quickly lost. Levels of state theft reached vertiginous heights under subsequent leaders. 退役将军布哈里曾在上世0年代初治理过这个国家,当时他是通过一种老派的方式——军事政变上台的。那一次他也曾怒斥尼日利亚猖獗的腐败,该国的腐败即便在非洲也是臭名昭著的。布哈里在那为期两年的军事统治中取得的任何成果后来很快都消失了。在后来数任领导人的统治下,盗窃国家财产的猖獗程度达到令人发指的水平Now, after his surprise win in last year’s election, Mr Buhari is having another go. Under his direction, state prosecutors have gone after several high-ranking members of the previous administration of Goodluck Jonathan, though the former president, who had the grace to quit office when electors booted him out, is assumed to be safe from prosecution. 去年意外在选举中获胜的布哈里正在进行又一次尝试。在他的指令下,尼日利亚检方已经起诉了前总统古德勒克#8226;乔纳Goodluck Jonathan)领导的上一届政府中的多名高官,尽管乔纳森本人应该会被免于起诉(他在被选民投下台时爽快地让出了位置)Results have been mixed. The trial of Sambo Dasuki, a former national security adviser, has run into trouble over alleged procedural irregularities, blamed by some on Mr Buhari’s military instincts and his impatience with the niceties of the law. Mr Dasuki is accused of helping to “divertabout .1bn meant to have been deployed in fighting Boko Haram. 结果好坏参半。对前国家安全顾问桑#8226;达苏Sambo Dasuki)的审判因为涉嫌程序失当而遇到了麻烦,一些人将其归咎于布哈里的军人本能和他对法律细节的不耐烦。达苏基被指控帮助他人“挪用”本应用于打击科哈拉姆分子的约21亿美元的拨款Recent attacks on power stations and oil and gas pipelines have been blamed on saboteurs angered by Mr Buhari’s crackdown on nefarious activities. As lights flicker off and private generators cough into action, some Nigerians have taken to muttering: “When you fight corruption, corruption fights back.最近针对发电厂和油气管道的袭击,被认为是布哈里打击犯罪活动激起的蓄意破坏。一盏盏灯忽闪着熄灭,私人发电机轰隆隆地运转起来,一些尼日利亚人禁不住嘟囔:“你打击腐败,腐败也在还击。Champagne importers and car dealers, too, are complaining that officials are not spending like they used to. “There’s not enough money flowing around because everything was being financed by corruption,says Mohammed Garuba, head of asset management at CardinalStone, a Lagos-based financial institution. 香槟进口商和汽车经销商也抱怨官员们出手不如过去阔绰了。“流转的资金不足,因为一切都是靠腐败来提供资金的,”位于拉各斯(Lagos)的金融机构CardinalStone的资产管理主管穆罕默#8226;加鲁Mohammed Garuba)说Mr Buhari’s drive is laudable. It is, however, unlikely to work. He is right to end the culture of impunity by going after big offenders. But unless he can tackle the underlying causes of corruption, the victims of his campaign will be seen as arbitrary and his victories fleeting. 布哈里的反腐行动值得赞誉,然而却不太可能奏效。他为了终结犯罪者不受惩处的氛围去追究重大犯罪者的责任,这样做是正确的。但除非他能够解决腐败的病根,否则人们就会认为他的反腐行动是想针对谁就针对谁,他的胜利也将是昙花一现So what are the causes? Central are the opportunities presented to a parasitic coterie of middlemen, gatekeepers, rationers, arbitrageurs, licensers and fixers. They trade in scarcity, much of it of their own devising. They can get you anything, from business permits to oil blocks if the price is right. In such a rentier system, the disincentives to actually make anything are huge. Mr Buhari has complained with only mild exaggeration that Nigeria cannot even produce toothpicks. 那么病根有哪些呢?核心问题是,由中间人、看门人、配给者、套利者、许可发放者和代人疏通者组成的寄生阶层有空子可钻。他们把“稀缺性”当生意来做,这种稀缺性大部分又是他们自己设计出来的。他们能为你搞到任何东西,从经营许可到石油区块——只要你出合适的价钱。在这样一个食利者体制中,做任何实业的障碍都是巨大的。布哈里曾经抱怨尼日利亚连牙签都造不出来——这话并不算十分夸张To tackle the root cause of corruption, Nigeria needs to purge rent-seeking opportunities. Nowhere are these more evident than in the oil industry. Nigeria is the largest petroleum producer in Africa. Its output of 2m barrels a day is controlled by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, a many-tentacled entity which and you can almost see the flashing red warning sign both regulates and participates in the oil business. The NNPC dabbles in exploration, distribution and refining, though the latter mostly consists of exporting raw crude and importing refined products at scandalous prices. 要解决腐败的病根,尼日利亚需要清除寻租的机会。这一点在石油行业再明显不过。尼日利亚是非洲最大的石油生产囀?该00万桶原油的日产量控制在尼日利亚国家石油公NNPC)的手中。该公司业务范围很广。它既是石油行业的监管者,也是石油行业的参与者(你几乎都能看见红色的警示灯在闪烁)。尼日利亚国家石油公司涉足开采、分销和精炼,尽管所谓的“精炼”基本就是出口原油,然后以令人发指的价格进口精炼石油产品The NNPC is a case study in how to sacrifice national interest to personal gain. The auditor-general recently found that it had failed to remit bn to the Treasury in 2014 alone. Amazingly, in oil-abundant Nigeria, most people have no electricity. One does not have to be a market fundamentalist to conclude that the NNPC needs shrinking to as small a size as possible, where zero is the optimal number. 尼日利亚国家石油公司堪称如何牺牲国家利益中饱私囊的典型案例。尼总审计长最近发现,014年一年,该公司没有上交给财政部的资金就达60亿美元。惊人的是,在石油资源丰富的尼日利亚,大多人还用不上电。一个人不必是市场原教旨主义者就能得出结论,尼日利亚国家石油公司应该尽可能削减规模,最好是彻底消失Few doubt Mr Buhari’s sincerity in taking on corruption. Yet punishing individual wrongdoers will not be enough. Unless he can devise coherent strategies to squeeze graft from the system, it will return with a vengeance once he has gone. Then the advocates of #BringBackCorruption will have got their way. It will, though, be a cause for anything but celebration. 很少有人质疑布哈里打击腐败的诚意。然而,惩罚单个的违法分子是不够的。除非他能够设计出连贯的策略将腐败从体制中彻底铲除,否则一旦他离开,腐败就会以变本加厉之势卷土重来。那时候还我腐败#的人就如愿了。然而,这唯独不值得庆祝。来 /201604/439688

A question has been posed in a puzzled whisper in many of the nation’s living rooms and newsrooms ever since Donald Trump’s triumph in this month’s presidential election: What, exactly, is white nationalism?自唐纳德#8226;特朗Donald Trump)在本月的大选中获胜以来,在美国不少家庭和编辑部里都有人困惑地低声念叨一个问题:白人民族主义到底是什么?Self-proclaimed white nationalists have happily embraced Trump’s victory and, particularly, his choice of Stephen K. 自称白人民族主义者的人开心地把特朗普的胜利,尤其是他选择史蒂#8226;K#8226;班农(Stephen K. Bannon as chief strategist, as a win for their agenda. Bannon)担任首席策略师的做法当成是他们议程的胜利。A barrage of groups that fight discrimination and hate speech have, in turn, criticized Bannon’s appointment, warning that his embrace of the alt-right movement was little more than an attempt to rebrand racism and white nationalism into something palatable enough for mass consumption.反过来,大量反对歧视和仇恨言论的团体指责任命班农的决定,警告称他对另类右alt-right)运动的大力持无异于试图把种族主义和白人民族主义重新塑造成能够让人接受,可供大众消费的概念。And much of the rest of the country has been left to wonder what this unfamiliar term actually means.这些人以外的美国民众则感到莫名其妙,不知道这个少见的说法到底是什么意思。While white nationalism certainly overlaps with white supremacy and racism, many political scientists say it is a distinct phenomenon one that was a powerful but often-unseen force during the presidential election and will most likely remain a potent factor in US and European politics in coming years.白人民族主义当然与白人至上和种族主义存在共同之处,尽管如此,很多政治学家称它是一种不同的现象——在大选期间是一股强大但常常无形的力量,未来很多年里极有可能仍是美国和欧洲政治中的一个强效因素。Eric Kaufmann, a professor of politics at Birkbeck University in London, has spent years studying the ways that ethnicity intersects with politics. 伦敦大学伯克贝克学院的政治学教授埃里#8226;考夫Eric Kaufmann)潜心数年,研究族群渊源与政治的相互影响。While most researchers in that field focus on ethnic minorities, Kaufmann does the opposite: He studies the behavior of ethnic majorities, particularly whites in the ed States and Britain.尽管这一领域的大部分研究者都把重点放在了少数族群上,但考夫曼却反其道而行之:他研究的是多数族群的行为,特别是美国和英国的白人。White nationalism, he said, is the belief that national identity should be built around white ethnicity, and that white people should therefore maintain both a demographic majority and dominance of the nation’s culture and public life.他说,白人民族主义是一种信念,认为应该围绕白色人种建立国民身份,因而白人应该保持在人口中的多数地位,以及在国家文化和公共生活中的主导地位。So, like white supremacy, white nationalism places the interests of white people over those of other racial groups. 因此,和白人至上一样,白人民族主义把白人的利益放在了其他种族的利益前面。White supremacists and white nationalists both believe that racial discrimination should be incorporated into law and policy.白人至上主义者和白人民族主义者都认为,种族歧视应该被纳入法律和政策中。Some will see the distinction between white nationalism and white supremacy as a semantic sleight of hand. 一些人会认为白人民族主义和白人至上之间的差别只是词语上的障眼法。很多白人至上主义者也是白人民族主义者,反之亦然。But although many white supremacists are also white nationalists, and vice versa, Kaufmann says the terms are not synonyms: White supremacy is based on a racist belief that white people are innately superior to people of other races; white nationalism is about maintaining political and economic dominance, not just a numerical majority or cultural hegemony.尽管如此,考夫曼说这两个词并非同义词:白人至上是建立在白人天生比其他种族优秀的种族主义信念上;白人民族主义说的是保持在政治和经济领域的主导地位,不仅仅是人数上的优势或文化霸权。For a long time, he said, white nationalism was less an ideology than the default presumption of American life. 他说,在很长一段时间里,白人民族主义与其说是一种思想,不如说是对美国生活的默认设想。Until quite recently, white Americans could easily see the nation as essentially an extension of their own ethnic group.直到最近,美国的白人还很容易认为这个国家本质上是他们的族群的延伸。But the country’s changing demographics, the civil rights movement and a push for multiculturalism in many quarters mean that white Americans are now confronting the prospect of a nation that is no longer built solely around their own identity.但美国不断变化的人口组成、民权运动以及很多方面对多元文化主义的推动,意味着美国的白人现在面临的情况是美国不再是一个完全只围绕他们自己的身份认同构建的国家。For many white people, of course, the growing diversity is something to celebrate. 当然,对很多白人来说,日渐丰富的多样性值得庆祝。But for others it is a source of stress. 但对其他人来说,这是压力的源头。The white nationalist movement has drawn support from that latter group. 白人民族主义运动得到了后者的持。Its supporters argue that the ed States should protect its white majority by sharply limiting immigration and perhaps even by compelling nonwhite citizens to leave.该运动的持者辩称,美国应该通过严格限制移民,甚或通过强迫非白人公民离开美国来保护占人口多数的白人。Trump’s appointment of Bannon as his senior counselor and chief West Wing strategist has, more than anything, brought white nationalism to the forefront of conversation. 特朗普任命班农担任自己的高级顾问和西配楼首席策略师的做法尤其把白人民族主义者推上了风口浪尖。He is the former editor of Breitbart News, a site he described in August to Mother Jones as the platform of the alt-right. 班农曾是布莱巴特新闻(Breitbart News)的主编,并曾月对《琼斯母亲Mother Jones)称该网站是‘另类右翼’的平台。Although the alt-right is ideologically broader than white nationalism it also includes neoreactionaries, monarchists and meme-loving internet trolls white nationalism makes up a significant part of its appeal.尽管另类右翼在意识形态方面比白人民族主义更广泛——它还包括新反动派、君主主义者和钟爱米姆的网络挑衅者——但白人民族主义构成了其吸引力中重要的组成部分。For instance, Richard Spencer, who runs the website AlternativeRight.com, is also the director of the National Policy Institute, an organization that says it is devoted to protecting the heritage, identity, and future of people of European descent in the ed States, and around the world.比如,理查德#8226;斯潘Richard Spencer)既是网站AlternativeRight.com的负责人,也是全国政策研究所(National Policy Institute)的所长。该机构自称致力于保护美国和全世界有欧洲血统者的文化遗产、身份认同和未来。Spencer argues that immigration and multiculturalism are threats to America’s white population and has said his ideal is a white ethno-state. 斯潘塞称移民和多元文化主义是对美国白人的威胁,并表示他的理想是建立一个白人种族国家。He has avoided discussing the details of how this might be achieved, saying it is still just a dream, but has called for peaceful ethnic cleansing to remove nonwhite people from US soil.他避免讨论如何实现这一点的细节,称那仍然只是一个梦想,但他呼吁进行和平的种族清洗,以将非白人赶出美国的领土。Bannon, the Trump adviser, told The Times upon his appointment that he does not share those ethno-nationalist views. 身为特朗普的顾问,班农在就自己的任命接受时报采访时表示,他不赞成那些种族民族主义观点。But under his leadership, Breitbart News has gone to considerable lengths to cater to an audience that does. 但在他的领导下,布莱巴特新闻不遗余力地迎合认同相关观点的读者。And in a 2015 radio interview that was resurfaced last week by The Washington Post, Bannon opposed even highly skilled immigration, implying he believed it was a threat to American culture.015年的一次电台采访中,班农甚至反对技术移民,暗示他们是对美国文化的威胁。上周,《华盛顿邮报The Washington Post)让那次采访再次浮出水面。When two-thirds or three-quarters of the CEOs in Silicon Valley are from South Asia or from Asia, I think ... 当硅谷三分之二或四分之三的首席执行官都来自南亚或亚洲时,我觉得……he said, trailing off midsentence before continuing a moment later, a country is more than an economy. 说到一半时他的声音逐渐降低,过了一会儿才接着说,一个国家不只有经济。We’re a civic society.我们是一个公民社会。White nationalists, including Spencer, have rejoiced at Bannon’s appointment to such a senior position in the Trump White House. 包括斯潘塞在内的民族主义者,对班农在特朗普领导的白宫被委以如此重任高兴不已。But focusing on high-profile figures like Bannon may obscure the more significant way that white nationalist ideas are affecting politics and fueling the rise of politicians like Trump in the ed States as well as anti-immigrant populist movements in Britain and continental Europe.但把注意力放在像班农这样的重要人物身上,可能会掩盖白人民族主义思想影响政治——并助长像特朗普这样的政治人物在美国的崛起,以及英国和欧洲大陆反移民民粹主义运动的方式,后者更重要。Kaufmann argues that anxiety over white identity and anti-immigrant populist politicians can have a symbiotic relationship, each strengthening the other. 考夫曼称,白人身份认同引发的焦虑和反移民民粹主义政治人物之间可能存在一种相互增强的共生关系。When populist politicians gain mainstream success, that can make white nationalist ideas more socially acceptable.当民粹主义政治人物获得主流的成功时,这可能会让白人民族主义思想变得更容易被社会接受。It’s not just a question of ethnic change and people being alarmed over it, he said. 不仅仅是一个族群变化和人们对它感到担忧的问题,他说。It’s also a question of what people see as the boundaries of acceptable opposition. 也是一个人们认为可接受的反方界限是什么的问题。It’s about what counts as racism, and whether it’s racist to vote for a far-right party.它关乎什么可以被当做种族主义,以及投票持极右翼政党的行为是不是种族主义。This is all about the anti-racist norm, Kaufmann continued. 这一切都和反种族主义准则有关,考夫曼接着说。If it’s weakening or eroding because people think the boundaries have shifted.如果它正在衰退或是减弱,那是因为人们认为界限变了。来 /201611/479684

Brexit is pushing up the price of a bacon butty as China exploits the weak pound to hoover up British pork amid its own domestic shortage.当中国国内猪肉短缺的时候,利用疲软的英镑获取大量英国猪肉。英国退欧进一步推高了培根三明治的价格。China’s farming industry has been devastated by severe flooding which has forced suppliers to look further afield for their pork.中国的农业由于严重的洪灾受损,使得供应商瞄上更远的市场以获取猪肉。The added demand from China has pushed up EU pork exports to the People’s Republic by 60% to reach 1.2m tonnes in the first six months of the year.在过去的个月,来自中国的需求推高了欧盟对中0%的出口达20万吨。Much of China’s appetite has been sated by British meat exports which have become cheaper for foreign buyers thanks to the weakness of sterling following the Brexit vote.多亏了退欧公投后英镑的疲软,外国买家买我们的东西更便宜了,所以英国的肉类出口满足了大部分中国的需求。The result has been a 40000-tonne rise in pig meat exports up 31% on the first half of last year.结果就是在上半年有了40000吨猪肉出口的增长,提升了31%。来 /201608/463483

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