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吉安打玻尿酸价格吉安妇幼保健医院玻尿酸多少钱 If humanity wants some quick wins, a good place to start would be road accidents. Traffic killed 1.24 million people in 2010, says the World Health Organisation. That’s about double the toll of homicides and armed conflict combined. Yet we could save many of these lives quite easily. Our failure to do so is in part a simple failure of imagination.如果人类想要快速取得一些成就,不妨从道路交通安全着手。根据世界卫生组WHO)的统计,2010年交通事故导致了124万人丧生。这大概是谋杀和武装冲突致死人数总和的两倍。然而,我们可以相当轻易地挽救其中许多人的生呀?某种程度上,我们之所以没有这样做,只是因为缺乏想象力。“Road traffic injuries have been neglected from the global health agenda... being predictable and largely preventable,says the WHO. Car crashes aren’t considered news precisely because they are routine, remarks the Dutch writer Joris Luyendijk. He says that although road accidents are “the biggest bloodbath in the Arab world media instead focus on the much smaller bloodbath of terrorism.“道路交通事故伤害一直受到全球健康议程的忽视……尽管这种伤害是可预测的,而且基本上也是可以预防的,”世卫组织表示。荷兰作家约里斯戠因迪克(Joris Luyendijk)称,之所以人们不把车祸视为新闻,正是因为它们太司空见惯了。他说,尽管交通事故是“阿拉伯世界最大规模的屠杀”,媒体却关注规模小得多的恐怖主义屠杀。Terrorists killed nearly 18,000 people worldwide in 2013, says the Institute for Economics and Peace. That’s 1.5 per cent of the number killed by traffic. Of course, terrorism might one day escalate to apocalyptic proportions, but then pundits have been predicting that since 2001. Meanwhile, with ever more cars sold, roads will soon probably kill more people than either Aids or tuberculosis.根据经济与和平学Institute for Economics and Peace)的说法,2013年恐怖分子在全球范围内杀害了.8万人。这只是交通事故死亡人数的1.5%。当然,或许有一天,恐怖主义将升级到毁天灭地的程度,可是专家们001年以来就一直在做着这样的预言。另一方面,随着更多人买车,交通事故死亡人数或许很快就会超过艾滋病(Aids)或者结核病(tuberculosis)。Driving is too banal an activity to arouse much fear. People tend to worry more about flying, whereas the most dangerous part of a plane journey is often the drive to the airport, says Jody Sindelar, health economist at the Yale School of Public Health. Plane crashes killed 1,320 people worldwide last year, yet they dominate TV news. Karl Ove Knausgaard, the “Norwegian Proust explains: “A plane crash was a ritual, it happened every so often, the same chain of events, and we were never part of it ourselves. A sense of security, but also excitement and intensity, for imagine how terrible the last seconds were for the passengers...”驾驶汽车这种行为太过平常,以至于无法引起太多恐惧。人们似乎更担心飞行,然而,耶鲁大学(Yale University)公共卫生学院(School of Public Health)的健康经济学家乔迪鬠德拉Jody Sindelar)表示,乘飞机旅行中最危险的部分往往是开车前往机场的那一段路程。去年,飞机失事在全球范围内共致320人丧生,然而这些事故充斥着电视新闻。有“挪威的普鲁斯特Norwegian Proust)之称的卡尔攠韦克瑙斯Karl Ove Knausgaard)解释称:“飞机失事是一场仪式,它时不时发生,同样的事件连锁,我们自己从来不是其中的一员。想象最后几秒钟对于乘客是多么可怕,让我们获得了一种安全感,同时也带来了刺激和激烈的感觉……”By contrast, the language we use for the traffic pandemic lacks intensity. The phrase “car crashhas become slang for a social or professional mishap. The word “accidentsuggests that a death was unavoidable, a matter of fate. This is wrong. Countries such as Greece and France have shown how fast deaths can be reduced when a government bothers. Sometimes the nanny state works. In 1973, 17,000 people a year died on French roads. Then leaders such as Pierre Messmer and later Jacques Chirac took action. Speed limits were imposed, seat belts made compulsory, radars installed etc. It turns out that some tragedies aren’t inevitable. A generation ago around Europe, motorcycle accidents provided a reliable supply of organ donors. That ended after helmets became compulsory.相比之下,我们对遍地皆是的交通事故使用的语言就不那么激烈了。“撞车car crash)这个词变成了描述社会或者职业失败的俗称。“事故”这个词表明死亡是不可避免的,是一种命运。这是错误的。希腊和法国等国家的做法已经表明,政府的介入可以在多短的时间内降低死亡人数。有时保姆国家的确能够奏效973年,法国每年的交通事故死亡人数达.7万人。于是皮埃尔蔠斯梅尔(Pierre Messmer)等领导人以及后来的雅克希拉克(Jacques Chirac)采取了行动,包括实施限速规定,强制要求系上安全带,安装雷达等。结果表明,一些悲剧并非不可避免5年前的欧洲,托车事故是器官捐献者的稳定来源。强制要求佩戴头盔后,这样的局面得以终结。In short, we know what to do. “Globally there is nothing to invent,says Jean Todt, the UN’s special envoy for road safety. The UN’s target of cutting road deaths to below one million by 2020 is eminently feasible. But governments have to want to reach it, even if that means irritating voters. Don’t just set speed limits; enforce them. Don’t just conduct breathalyser tests; conduct them outside nightclubs on weekend nights. And ban drivers from using phones. The colonisation of the human mind by smartphones is now killing pedestrians. Apps that inform drivers about traffic jams are particularly distracting. “Hands-free phones are not much safer than hand-held phone sets,cautions the WHO.简言之,我们知道怎么做。联合国道路安全特使让堠Jean Todt)表示:“就全球而言,没有什么可发明的了。”联合国制定了到2020年道路交通事故死亡人数降00万以下的目标,这完全可以实现。但各国政府必须希望实现该目标,即便这意味着激怒选民。不要只是制定限速规定,还要加以严格执行。不要只是进行酒精含量测试,还要在周末晚上的夜总会外面进行测试。禁止驾车者在开车时使用电话。现在人类思想受到智能手机的统治,这种行为会危及行人。让驾车者获得拥堵信息的应用尤其令人分心。世卫组织警告称:“免提电话并不比手提电话安全多少。”One day, when driverless cars arrive, we may marvel that we ever let distracted, shortsighted and occasionally drunk humans pilot large metal projectiles. For now, perhaps the key thing to change is attitudes. Many people (especially in poor countries) get no traffic education at all. Lesson one could be that aggressive driving is not proof of masculinity. Machismo helps explain why 77 per cent of traffic fatalities worldwide (as counted by the WHO) are males.当无人驾驶汽车来临的那一天,我们可能会惊叹,我们曾经让心不在焉、近视偶尔还会喝酒的人类驾驶巨大的金属导弹。就现在而言,或许改变的关键在于态度。许多人(尤其是在穷国)完全没有接受过交通方面的培训。第一课可能是,肆无忌惮地驾驶并不能明你有男子汉气概。男子汉气概有助于解释为何在全世界因交通事故死亡的人当中有77%是男性(根据世卫组织的估算)。Another common attitudinal problem: in countries where cars are relatively new and therefore prestigious, drivers tend to regard themselves as kings and pedestrians as cockroaches. When I spent time in Ghana in 2000, many drivers approaching a village would honk and accelerate even at night, when they often drove without lights. One morning I woke in a village to the sound of a woman howling. Her son had just been run over. Too many Ghanaian parents know the feeling.另一个普遍存在的态度问题是:在一些汽车相对还不多见、从而是身份象征的国家里,驾车者往往将自己视为国王,而将行人视为000年,当我在加纳逗留的时候,许多驾车者在驶近村庄的时候会使劲摁喇叭和加速,即便在晚上也是如此——他们在晚上行驶时往往也不会开灯。一天早上,我在一个村庄醒来后听到一位妇女恸哭的声音。她的儿子刚刚被汽车辗过。太多的加纳父母知道那是什么感受。The developing world where over 90 per cent of road deaths happen could make big gains fast. Todt describes a typical scenario today: an ancient vehicle, discarded from some rich country, is overloaded with people and driven by someone who bought his licence. Then, if an “accidenthappens, the ambulance rarely arrives.发展中世界(0%的交通死亡事故发生在发展中世界)在这方面可以很快取得进展。托特描述了当今一幅常见情景:一辆被某个富国丢弃的老旧汽车上载满了人,而司机的驾照是买来的。然后,如果发生“事故”,很少会有救护车来。Changing all this would cost money. But road crashes cost 1 to 3 per cent of countriesgross national product, estimates the World Bank. For every death, several more victims survive maimed, often needing lifelong care. Meanwhile, the World Bank’s fund for road safety has an annual budget of just m, says Todt.改变这一切将需要钱。但世界估计,道路交通事故成本占到各国国民总产GNP)%-3%。交通事故中每死一个人,都有其他数位受害者伤残,这些伤残者往往需要终生护理。与此同时,托特表示,世界用于道路安全方面的资金预算每年只有300万美元。The world has so many problems that it’s hard to know where to start. Governments spend lots of energy trying to stop terrorism. It would probably be smarter to devote some of that effort to road safety, not just because it’s a far deadlier problem, but also because unlike with terrorism, we know what works.全世界有太多的问题,以致于很难知道先解决哪些问题奀?各国政府投入大量精力试图打击恐怖主义。将其中一些资源投入到道路安全方面可能是更为明智的做法,这不仅仅是因为这是一个致死率高得多的问题,而且还因为,与恐怖主义不同,我们知道怎么做有效。来 /201507/386321泰和县妇幼保健人民医院光子脱毛多少钱

吉安市硅胶隆鼻光子嫩肤光纤溶脂价格VLADIVOSTOK -- Russia is seldom thought of as an Asia-Pacific country. Yet it is one -- thanks to its Far East. The Russian Far East is a huge area of northeastern Eurasia stretching from Lake Baikal to the Pacific Ocean. Allowing Russia direct access to the Asia-Pacific region, the RFE makes it a truly transcontinental nation, the only other such a country being the U.S.符拉迪沃斯托克—俄罗斯很少被认为是一个亚太国家,尽管它的确属于亚太地区——多亏了它的远东地区。俄远东地区是亚欧大陆东北部的一大片区域,从贝加尔湖延伸到太平洋,使得俄罗斯名副其实的属于亚太地区。远东地区使俄罗斯成为一个横跨大陆的国家,除此之外唯一一个横跨大陆的国家是美囀?The RFE contains all kinds of natural treasures -- oil and natural gas, iron ore and copper, diamonds and gold, pristine fresh water (Lake Baikal alone has 20 percent of the worlds unfrozen surface freshwater), timber and fish stocks (for example, the Sea of Okhotsk is one of the most biologically productive areas of the world ocean).远东地区蕴含着丰富多样的资源——石油、天然气、铁矿石、铜、钻石、黄金、以及纯净的淡水(仅仅贝加尔湖就拥有世界上20%的融化的地表淡水)、木材、鱼类资源(例如,鄂霍次克海是世界海洋中生物生产力最强的地区)The entire vastness of the RFE contains just over 6 million residents. Being remote from, and having tenuous transportation links to, the countrys European core, suffering from underdevelopment and the lack of infrastructure, the RFE is a source of constant concern for Moscow. Ever since Russia acquired these territories, there have been recurring worries that they are at the risk of being lost due to external aggression, foreign encroachment, internal separatism -- or a combination of the three.偌大的远东地区却仅仅00多万居民。远东地区距离俄罗斯欧洲核心地区遥远,交通连接薄弱,饱受发展滞后和基础设施匮乏之苦,远东地区成了莫斯科一直以来的头痛之源。自从获得这部分领土之后,俄罗斯就就一直担心它会因为外部侵略、外国侵占、内部分裂或者三者的综合而失去远东地区。Chinas Looming Shadow中国逼近的阴影The RFE has historically had an ambivalent relationship with its giant neighbor, China. It is seen as an indispensable economic partner. Yet China is simultaneously a source of threat. After all, the southern part of what is now the Russian Far East used to be under the Qings nominal sovereignty until the second half of the 19th century. Despite the fact that, at the official level, the border issue between Moscow and Beijing is fully settled by legal treaties, there are lingering concerns in Russia that China might in the future reclaim the land. This is not helped by the well-known sentiments of many in China who still see the 19th-century border treaties with the Russian Empire as ;unfair; and count them as part of ;the century of humiliation.;俄罗斯远东地区在历史上与它的强大的中国邻居曾有过一段喜忧参半的时期。中国被俄视为必不可少的经济伙伴,尽管中国同时也是一个危险的根源。不过毕竟在19世纪后半叶以前,远东地区的南部地区还是处于清朝的主权管辖范围的。尽管莫斯科与北京关于边界问题已经在官方层面上通过法律条文完全解决了,但是俄罗斯一直有人在担心中国会在不远的将来会重新索要回这片土地。许多中国人都认9世纪与沙皇俄国签订的条约是“不平等”的,并且认为这些条约是“屈辱的世纪”的一部分,这种普遍的观点又会助长俄罗斯的担忧。For the time being, Moscow and Beijing are ;strategic partners,; with the relationship increasingly resembling a quasi-alliance. One major reason China needs a strong bond with Russia lies in the Russian Far East.目前莫斯科与北京是“战略合作伙伴”,并且二者的关系正逐步向准联盟靠近。中国需要同俄罗斯维持紧密关系的一个重要原因就是远东地区。First, Beijing wants to have a secure and peaceful northern border with Russia, so that it can concentrate its military resources and planning on other strategic theaters, above all in the Western Pacific. The memories of confrontation with the Soviet Union, when China had to expend enormous efforts on reinforcing its frontiers with a hostile neighbor to the north, have not yet faded away.首先,北京想同俄罗斯维持一个稳定和平的北方边界,这样它就可以集中他的军事资源应对其他的战略地区,主要是西太平洋地区。与前苏联的对抗,中国不得不花费巨大的精力来加强他同北方敌人的边界(防卫力量),而中国对此还记忆犹新。Second, Chinas voracious economy needs the RFEs natural resources, which makes sense not only economically but also, at least as much, strategically. There are signs that China is beginning to see Eastern Russia as an important ;strategic rear area;, a proximate overland supplier of a range of vital primary commodities. This is directly related to Chinas intensifying contest with the U.S. for primacy in the Asia-Pacific. Beijing is increasingly worried that, if this rivalry comes to a head, Washington may use its trump card -- launching a naval blockade of the sea lanes through which China receives most of its imported primary products.The growing dependence on imported raw materials and rising concerns about the fraught relations with the U.S., and its Indo-Pacific allies, seem to have resulted in Beijings attaching much greater priority to the RFE than was the case five or 10 years ago.第二中国经济增长的巨大需求需要俄罗斯远东地区的自然资源,这在经济和至少战略上都说得通。有迹象表明中国开始将俄罗斯远东地区视作重要的后方战略区域;一个多样且重要的初级产品(未经加工或因销售习惯而略作加工的产品)的内陆直接供应地。这直接和中国强化同美国在亚太地区的主导权的竞争有关。北京愈来越担忧如果这场竞争激化,华盛顿可能使用其杀手锏-对中国海上通道进行封锁。中国大多数初级产品进口依赖于海上通道。对原材料进口不断加强的的独立性和对对美关系极其印度洋盟友的担忧似乎已经使北京,相0年以来,将俄罗斯远东地区视作重要目标Until recently, the Chinese economic presence in the RFE was quite limited. The number of Chinese migrants in the RFE has also been modest -- no more than 300,000 -- most of them as sojourners rather than permanent residents. There are, however, indications that Chinas footprint in the RFE is about to grow. Chinas interest in the RFE has coincided with Moscows hour of need. Although just a few years ago the Kremlin was reluctant to allow the Chinese direct access to the most valuable industries of the Far East, it had to change its mind when faced with Western isolation over Ukraine and now having few alternatives but China. Moving, or rather being pushed, closer to China amidst confrontation with the West, Moscow has lifted formal and informal restrictions on Chinese investments that existed hitherto and begun to actively court Chinese capitals.直到最近,中国在远东地区的经济存在还很有限。远东地区中国移民的数量也不是很多—不超过300000—大部分都只是暂住居民而不是永久居民。然而有迹象表明中国在远东地区的存在感将要加强,中国在远东地区的利益正好与莫斯科的需求一致。尽管几年前克里姆林宫还是不情愿中国直接插手远东地区最有价值的产业,但是现在俄由于乌克兰问题而受到西方的孤立,它不得不改变想法了,并且除了中国它也没有多少备选的国家。莫斯科在于西方的对抗中,更接近或者说被迫接近中国,它已经放宽了目前对中国投资的正式或非正式的限制,并且开始积极寻求中方的投资。The main thrust has been in the hydrocarbon sector, epitomized by the gargantuan 400 billion, 30-year contract signed in May 2014 by Gazprom and CNPC to supply the RFEs gas to China. In other landmark developments, focused on eastern Russia, Moscow agreed to sell Chinese companies stakes in the countrys most lucrative oil field and the worlds third biggest copper field.最主要的推动力是在油气方面,集中体现在2014月俄罗斯天然气工业股份公司(Gazprom)与中国石油天然气公司(CNPC)签订的远东地区向中国提供天然气的协议,总额达极其庞大的4000亿美元,时间长达30年。其他具有里程碑意义的进展方面,集中在俄东部地区,莫斯科同意出售给中方公司俄罗斯最赚钱的油田和世界上第三大铜矿的股票。Recent Russo-Chinese deals in the RFE have not been limited to resource-extraction industries. In 2014, Russian and Chinese government-affiliated companies announced they would jointly develop Zarubino port, strategically located in the south of the RFE at the junction of Russian, North Korean and Chinese borders. The port at Zarubino will give China direct access to the Sea of Japan, which it has long coveted. The port, with the expected throughput capacity of 100 million tons, will mostly handle Chinese cargoes. Chinese companies have also become the principal investors in a large-scale integrated casino resort near Vladivostok, which is slated to open in 2015 and aims to service mostly visitors from China.最近中俄在远东地区的贸易不再仅限于资源开采业014年中俄政府的附属公司宣布他们将共同开发扎鲁比诺港,这个港口位于远东地区南部,是中朝俄三国交界的地方,极具战略意义。中国可以通过位于扎鲁比诺的港口直接进入日本海,这时中国觊觎已久的。这个港口,预期有一亿吨的吞吐量,将主要装卸中国的货物。中国企业也是一个位于符拉迪沃斯托克附近的大兴综合性度假村的主要投资者,该度假村预定015年开业并且务对象主要是中国游客。Speaking at Saint Petersburgs Economic Forum in May 2014, Chinese Vice President Li Yuanchao called for the linking up of the RFE with northeast China in order to ;turn the two into a big market -- a new economic bloc in Asia.; In dealing with the RFE, Beijing can deploy its giant state-owned corporations, which boast some of the deepest pockets in the world and are driven by the governments strategic calculations as much as by purely commercial considerations. Compared to Western companies with shareholder responsibility, they can make hefty investments with much longer planning horizons and without expecting short-term returns. This gives China a significant advantage in the RFE, where business projects often require massive financial outlays, are accompanied with significant risks, and do not promise quick profits.014月的圣彼得堡经济论坛上,中国国家副主席李源潮发表讲话并呼吁加强远东地区与中国东北部地区的衔接,为了“是这两个地区合成为一个大市场——一个亚洲的新的经济联盟”。在对待远东地区方面,北京可以部署他的庞大的国有企业,其中一些是世界上经济实力最雄厚的企业,国企以此为傲。这些企业是为了国家战略计划务并且纯粹的为了追求经济利益。和西方股份制的公司相比,它们可以用更加长远的目光进行大型的投资,并且不要求短期的回报,这使得中国在远东地区有了一个极其重要的优势。(因为)远东地区的投资经常是需要数额庞大的出并且伴随着明显的风险,而这些投资也不一定能获得快速的收益。The RFE is one piece in Chinas long-term geopolitical game aimed at creating zones of influence along its continental frontiers in Eurasia. Two other major areas, where Beijing pursues similar goals of securing its borders, getting preferential access to rich natural resources, and probably gaining there a degree of political control in the future, are continental Southeast Asia and Central Asia. Incidentally, large parts of these regions, like the RFE, were in the past under Chinas sovereignty or suzerainty. Another common feature of Beijings policy toward the ;rear areas; is to bind them up with the neighboring regions of China: southwestern China (especially Yunnan province) for Southeast Asia, western China (Xinjiang) for Central Asia, and northeastern China (Heilongjiang) for the RFE.远东地区是中国长远的地缘政治策略的一部分,目的是为了在亚欧大陆上创造一个沿着中国大陆边界的势力范围。另外两个主要的地区是东南亚和中亚,在这些地方中国想达到类似的目的,即保卫边疆,获得对丰富得然资源的优先开采权,并且将来可能对这些地方拥有一定程度上的政治控制。顺便说一下,在过去,中国对这些地方都曾经拥有主权或宗主权。北京对于他的“后方”地区的政策的一个共同的特点是把这些地区同他们相邻的地区捆绑在一块:中国西南部(尤其是云南省)和东南亚,中国西部(新疆)和中亚,中国东北部(黑龙江)和远东地区。Despite its seeming enthusiasm about the growing intimacy with Beijing, Moscow is aware of the costs and risks of embracing China. Chinas privileged access to the RFE could lead to Chinese economic dominion which would not only exclude other foreign competitors but can also begin to squeeze Russian companies out of the RFE. Economic sinicization may, sooner or later, set the stage for the erosion of sovereign control尽管莫斯科和中国好像打得火热,它也清楚向中国靠近的代价。中国在远东地区的特权可能会确立中国在该地区经济上的统治地位。这不仅会赶走其他国家的竞争者也会把俄罗斯的企业从远东地区排挤出去。经济上的中国化,迟早都会为弱化(俄罗斯在该地区的)主权控制打好基础。There is a probability that Chinas exclusive economic penetration of the RFE would eventually be followed by a rising degree of geopolitical control, ultimately jeopardizing Russian sovereignty and threatening to turn the RFE into not just a raw material appendix but also a military-strategic base for China in the North Pacific, especially if Moscow enters a full-fledged alliance with Beijing. The RFE could become exactly what some Chinese prefer to call it -- ;Outer Manchuria,; a territory where Russian sovereignty is getting increasingly tenuous and where matters are decided in Beijing and Harbin rather than Moscow or Vladivostok.中国在远东地区的排他性的经济渗透很有可能最终会导致一个(对该地区)更高程度的地缘政治控制,到最后会危机俄罗斯的主权,并且有把远东地区不仅当做他的原材料提供地而且还是一个太平洋北部的的中国的军事基地的威胁,尤其是如果俄罗斯成了中国的一个全面的盟友。远东地区有可能真的成为一些中国人称呼它的那样—“外满洲里”,在该地区俄罗斯的控制力正在减弱并且(关于它的)重大事项是由北京和哈尔滨决定而不是莫斯科和符拉迪沃斯托克。Some security experts in Russia even discuss a scenario in which China moves to annex the RFE by a surprise attack. This is not to say that such an invasion is imminent or likely. However, it cannot be ruled out, if Russia becomes too weak -- particularly if it descends into chaos due to a severe political or economic crisis. If China tries to grab the RFE, this may draw in other players Would the U.S. pre-emptively occupy Chukotka, Magadan, Kamchatka and the Arctic shore of Yakutia before Chinese enter these territories? And would Japan, in turn, take control of Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands?俄罗斯的一些安全部门专家甚至讨论了一种情景——中国通过突袭来夺取远东地区。这并不是说这种侵略即将发生或者有可能发生。但是如果俄罗斯变得很薄弱——尤其是当它由于一些政治或者经济危机而突然陷入混乱的时候,并不排除有这种可胀?如果中国夺取远东地区,这可能会招来其他国家。美国会先发制人的抢在中国前面占领楚科奇,勘察加,马加丹和雅库特的北极海岸吗?并且日本会随后占领库页岛和千岛群岛吗?The ed States and the Russian Far East美国和俄罗斯远东地区Sarah Palin may not have been too far from the truth when she said that she could see Russia from her backyard. In fact, Alaskas Little Diomede Island sits just over two miles from Russias Big Diomede Island in the middle of the Bering Strait.Sarah Palin说她在她的后院里能够看见俄罗斯,这可能真不是在说谎。实际上,阿拉斯加的小代奥米德岛仅仅距离俄罗斯的白令海峡中心的大代奥米德岛两英里开外。The RFEs may not at present have a major economic importance for the U.S., as America has its own abundant supply of many of the natural resources the RFE has to offer. However, from a geopolitical perspective, the RFEs significance for the U.S. is only growing, as Sino-American rivalry in the Asia-Pacific shows no signs of abatement.现在远东地区对美国来说可能并没有重要的经济价值,因为许多远东地区能够提供的自然资源美国都有他自己的充足的来源。然而从地缘角度上看,远东地区对于美国的重要性正在增加,因为中美在亚太地区的对抗丝毫没有减弱的迹象;The greater involvement of Asias developed economies, such as Japan, South Korea and Singapore, would help offset Chinas rising economic influence in the RFE and contribute to a more stable equilibrium in the Asia-Pacific.;“亚洲发达经济体,像是日本、韩囀?新加坡(在远东地区的)更多的参与,会帮助抵消中国在远东地区的逐渐增加的经济影响,并且有助于亚太地区的更加稳定的(势力)平衡”As previously noted, China seeks to secure ;rear areas; along its continental periphery -- in mainland Southeast Asia, Central Asia, and the RFE. Control over them would greatly expand Beijings sway in Eurasia and make it feel more confident vis-à-vis Washington. Of the three mentioned areas, the RFE carries an added significance because of its adjacency to North America as well as fronting the ever more significant Arctic. The higher the level of Chinese penetration of the RFE, the more risks it poses potentially for the U.S.正如之前提到过的,中国试图把它的“后方”同其相邻地区(东南亚大陆、中亚和远东地区)捆绑在一块,对这些地区的控制会大大扩大北京在亚欧大陆的影响并且使北京在与华盛顿的角力中更加自信。在上面提到的三个地区中,远东地区更加重要,因为它与美国相邻并且正对着一直以来极具战略意义的北冰洋。中国对远东地区的渗透越深入,对美国的威胁就越大。American interest in the fate of the RFE would not be without historical precedent: it was partly thanks to the U.S. diplomatic intervention that the Russian Far East remained Russian, when in the early 1920s Washington successfully pressed Japan, Americas main geopolitical opponent at the time, to pull out its troops from the region.美国对于远东地区命运的关注并不是没有先例:这一定程度上多亏0世纪20年代美国政治上的干预,成功迫使日本撤回了在该地区的军队,使俄罗斯远东地区仍属于俄罗斯,这时候日本还是美国主要的地缘政治上的对手。The goal of the U.S. should not be to keep China out of the RFE, for it is neither possible nor desirable. Rather, it should work toward enabling the RFE to integrate with the Asia-Pacific economies, so that China does not become the predominant player. Russia would definitely welcome such a strategy, as it fully corresponds with its own strong interest in having economic alternatives to China. Moreover, Russians are aware that China will not provide the RFE with what it needs, no less than cash, advanced technologies and expertise. This is precisely where America and other developed economies retain a remarkable edge over China.美国的目标不应该是把中国从远东地区的排挤出去,因为这不可能也是不可取的。相反,美国要确保使远东地区整合到亚太经济体中,这样中国对于远东地区就不能占领导地为了。俄罗斯肯定会对这个战略表示欢迎,因为这正好满足它的强烈需求——找到俄罗斯在经济方面中国的替代者。并且俄罗斯知道中国提供不了远东地区需要的东西——不仅仅是投资,还有先进的技术和专业知识。在这些方面美国和其他发达经济体相比与中国拥有很大的优势Of course, the Ukraine-related sanctions against Russia now make it difficult for the U.S. to invest in the RFE. However, Washington would be well-advised to at least let the Asians do business with the RFE rather than pressuring them into joining Western anti-Russia sanctions. The greater involvement of Asias developed economies, such as Japan, South Korea and Singapore, would help offset Chinas rising economic influence in the RFE and contribute to a more stable equilibrium in the Asia-Pacific.当然,美国因为乌克兰问题而对俄罗斯的制裁使得它很难向远东地区投资。然而,华盛顿也会被建议至少要让亚洲国家在远东地区贸易而不是迫使他们加入西方的反俄制裁中来。亚洲的发达经济体,像是日本、韩囀?新加坡,在远东地区的更多的参与,会有助于抵消中国对于远东地区逐渐增长的经济影响同时也有助于建立亚太地区更加稳定的平衡。Artyom Lukin:Professor Far Eastern Federal University, Vladivostok, RussiaArtyom Lukin:俄罗斯符拉迪沃斯托克的远东联邦大学教授。来 /201501/355822 Chinas top cross-strait negotiator began a landmark visit in Taiwan Wednesday, aimed at forging ties with the Taiwanese people amid their growing skepticism toward Beijing.中国国务院台湾事务办公室主任张志军周三开始了访问台湾的破冰之旅。台湾民众对北京的怀疑态度日益加重,他这次访台的目的就是巩固与台湾民众的关系。Zhang Zhijun, the head of Chinas Taiwan Affairs Office, is the first Chinese government official visiting Taiwan in an official capacity since the two sides governed separately 65 years ago. Mr. Zhang and his counterpart, Wang Yu-chi, chairman of Taiwans Mainland Affairs Council, met in their official capacities for the first time in Nanjing, China,in February. Some analysts said these meetings indicate Beijing is eager to start a political dialogue with Taipei.这是中国大陆和台5年前分而治之以来中国政府官员首次以官方身份访问台湾。张志军与台湾大陆委员会主任王郁琦今月在南京举行了首次官方会面。一些分析人士说,这些会谈表明北京急切希望与台北展开政治对话。Apart from a closed-door meeting with Mainland Affairs Council, Mr. Zhang also has plans to meet with Kaoshiung City Mayor Chen Chu, a heavyweight in the opposition Democratic Progressive Party. Mr. Zhang wont be meeting with high-ranking officials from Taiwans government. Instead he will be spending most of his four days in Taiwan visiting local businesses, farms, an aboriginal village and a university.除与台湾大陆委员会召开闭门会议外,张志军还计划与高雄市市长、台湾反对党民进党的重量级人物陈菊会面。张志军不会与台湾地区政府高级别官员举行会谈。这次访台行程为期四天,他将主要拜访一些当地企业、农场、一个原住民部落和一所大学。Mr. Zhang told reporters that cross-strait development is like rowing a boat against the currents.张志军对记者表示,两岸关系发展就像是“逆水行舟”The development of cross-strait ties is bound to be challenging but if there is will, there is a way, Mr. Zhang said.他说,两岸关系发展必定具有挑战性,但有志者事竟成。Ma Xiaoguang, a spokesman from Chinas Taiwan Affairs Office, added that there were some new situations in Taiwan that might have snagged cross-strait development. The main purpose of Mr. Zhangs visit, he said, is to listen to the voices of the people at the grass-root level, underscoring Chinas longstanding unification tactic of winning the hearts and minds of the Taiwanese people.国台办发言人马晓光还表示,台湾内部出现可能阻碍两岸系关发展的“一些新情况”。他说,张志军此行主要目的是倾听基层民众声音,这凸显出中国长期以来“赢得台湾民心和民意”的两岸统一策略。Mr. Wang told reporters: During our meeting, I expressed that the future of Taiwan must be decided by the 23 million people here. This is the consensus of Taiwan and we hope China can respect it. 王郁琦告诉记者,他在南京举行的会谈中曾表示,台湾的未来应该由台湾2,300万人民决定,这也是台湾人民的共识,希望大陆方面予以尊重。Suspicion toward Beijings intention to reclaim Taiwan has been growing on the island of 23 million people. In March, student-led protesters stymied the passage of a services-trade agreement with China and occupied the legislature for more than two weeks. The protesters said the trade pact only favors big conglomerates but leaves small businesses in the dust and were concerned of Taiwanese economys increasing reliance on China.台湾人越来越怀疑大陆有意将台湾收回。今月,以学生为首的示威者阻挠海峡两岸贸协议获得通过,他们还占领了台湾立法院超过两周时间。抗议者称贸协议只对大型企业有利,但将严重冲击小企业,他们还担心台湾经济愈发依赖中国。Fewer than 100 protesters, mostly students, were kept away from greeting Mr. Zhang. They were encircled by multiple rows of policemen with shields and sticks and were kept away from the hotel where Mr. Zhang stays by barbed wire fences.数十名抗议者(主要是学生)被警察阻拦、无法接近张志军。张志军下榻的饭店外,手持盾牌和警棍的警察组成数层人 将示威者围成一圈,并用铁丝网限制了示威者的活动范围。Lin Fei-fan, a leader of the Sunflower Movement that led the siege of the legislature for weeks, said: The government should not meet with any Chinese officials until a government watchdog on cross-strait affairs is established.“太阳花运动”学生领袖林飞帆表示,在一个海峡两岸事务监督机构成立之前,台湾政府不应当与中国大陆官员会晤。Mr. Lin said he wanted to have a face-to-face dialogue with Mr. Zhang, who hasnt responded to this request.林飞帆称他希望与张志军面对面交流,但后者没有回应这一请求Look at whats happening in Hong Kong. Under Chinese rule, many of the basic human rights that Hong Kong residents once enjoyed are stripped away. This is why we must safeguard Taiwans democracy and rule of law, Mr. Lin added.林飞帆还说,看看香港的情况吧,在大陆统治下,香港市民曾经享有的很多基本人权现在被剥夺了,这正是我们必须要保卫台湾民主和法治的原因。Taiwan split from the mainland in 1949 amid a civil war that has not formally ended. While both sides have agreed to promote peace across the Taiwan Strait, China still sees Taiwan as part of its territory, which must be taken back, by force if necessary.1949年,台湾在一场一直没有正式结束的内战中脱离大陆统治。虽然双方一致同意要推动海峡两岸的和平,但中国仍视台湾为自己领土的一部分,不仅必须收回,且如有必要还将诉诸武力。Political observers say Mr. Zhangs trip signifies a victory for Beijing against the Taiwanese independence supporters.政治观察人士表示,张志军此次访问是北京对台独持者的胜利Even the DPP has not objected to his visit, said Chang Kuo-cheng, a military strategist and a professor at Taipei Medical University, saying the timing of the visit shows Chinas unwavering resolve to absorb Taiwan at all cost.台北医学大学军事策略师、教授Chang Kuo-cheng说,连民进党都不反对张志军访台。在他看来,这次访问的时间显示出中国要不惜一切代价坚决将台湾收入囊中Of course Beijing is aware of the rising anti-China sentiment in Taiwan. But the message it wants to convey is, even as popular as the Sunflower Movement was, no matter how hard you object, nothing will ever spook Beijing or derail its timetable, he added.他还说,北京当然清楚台湾日益高涨的反大陆情绪,但北京想要传达出的意思是,无论台湾反对得多么坚决,哪怕像太阳花学运那样受大众欢迎,北京都不会被吓到,也不会打乱自己的时间表。来 /201406/308351井冈山市祛痘多少钱吉安哪里整形比较好

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