2019年09月19日 05:58:14|来源:国际在线|编辑:百度问答
Shaban Khema, an IT manager from Kosovo, wants just one thing this festive season: to be able to stay in Germany. But his chances are slim, and getting slimmer.沙班科玛(Shaban Khema)是一名来自科索沃的IT经理,这个节日季他只想要一样东西——可以留在德国。但他的机会十分微小,而且还在不断变小。“If I have to go back it’s death for me,” the 32-year-old says. “My future is here, not in Kosovo.”32岁的沙班说:“如果我必须回去,就等于被判了死刑。我的未来在这儿,不在科索沃。”Mr Khema is a casualty of Germany’s tough new approach to migrants from the Balkans. While the country has thrown open its doors to refugees from the war in Syria, it is closing them for people from countries such as Albania and Kosovo. Thousands of immigrants, many of whom have lived here for months, now face deportation.沙班是德国对巴尔干地区移民最新采取的强硬政策的牺牲品。德国在向叙利亚内战难民敞开国门的同时,对阿尔巴尼亚和科索沃等国的人关上了这道大门。成千上万名移民现在面临着驱逐出境,其中许多人已经在德国居住了好几个月。The approach is the flipside of Berlin’s “Willkommenskultur”, or “welcome culture”, that was embodied in Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision last September to bypass Europe’s asylum rules and allow thousands of refugees stuck on the Hungarian border to make their way to Germany. It was a move that split Europe and earned her stinging criticism from domestic opponents, who feared it would only encourage more uncontrolled immigration.这一举措是柏林方面“欢迎文化”(Willkommenskultur)的另一面;“欢迎文化”体现于德国总理安格拉默克尔(Angela Merkel)今年9月作出的一个决定。当时默克尔决定绕过欧洲的庇护规则,允许滞留在匈牙利边境的成千上万难民进入德国。这一作法不但导致欧洲意见分歧,还为她招致了国内对手的严厉批评,他们担心这会鼓励更多不受控制的移民。The Balkan strategy is in part a response to those critics. The idea is to reduce the influx by weeding out economic migrants and sending them home. Indeed, the number of repatriations has steadily risen: by the end of November, more than 18,000 people had been deported this year, compared with around 11,000 people in the whole of 2014.遣返巴尔干移民的决策在一定程度上是对这些批评的回应,其意图是通过清查并遣返经济移民来减少移民总数。的确,遣返人数一直在稳步上升,截至11月底,今年已有1.8万人被递解出境,而2014年全年为1.1万人左右。Yet in the grand scheme of things, it provides little relief. Germany is expected to have registered 1m asylum seekers by the end of the year, and new arrivals keep coming.但在宏观层面上,该策略起不到什么缓解作用。至今年底,德国预计将登记100万寻求庇护者,新难民还在不断涌入。Mr Khema, however, will not be among those allowed to stay. He and his wife and daughter were recently transported to a former US army barracks in the picturesque Bavarian town of Bamberg that has been turned into a camp for Balkan immigrants awaiting deportation.但是在获准留下的移民群体中,将不会出现沙班的名字。他和妻女最近被送往班贝格(Bamberg)一座专为巴尔干移民准备的营地,等待被递解出境。这座移民营位于风景如画的巴伐利亚小镇,是由原美军军营改造的。Visibly anxious, he has been in Germany for 10 months and ds returning home. “It’s a catastrophe there,” he says. “You can only get a job or medical treatment if you pay a bribe.”沙班的焦急显露无遗,他在德国已经待了10个月,惧怕回国。他说:“那儿现在一片衰败。你只有行贿才能得到一份工作或是获得治疗。”The Bamberg camp was set up as Germany’s parliament toughened up the country’s asylum law by placing Kosovo, Albania and Montenegro on the list of “safe” countries of origin: asylum applications from these countries would henceforth be considered “patently unfounded”. Further changes replaced the cash payments migrants receive with benefits in kind, such as vouchers for consumer goods or bus tickets.班贝格移民营的设立,是因为德国议会通过了更为严格的难民法案,将科索沃、阿尔巴尼亚和黑山共和国列入“安全的”原籍国名单,今后来自这些国家的庇护申请将被认为“显然毫无根据”。更多的改变包括将发放给移民的现金换成实物福利,比如购物代金券或车票。Bamberg houses 850 refugees, most brought here from temporary hostels dotted across Bavaria or picked up by local police. It is a Spartan place: residents complain about the food and the meagre allowance of ㈠   a month.班贝格现在容纳了850名难民,大多数人要么是从巴伐利亚州各地的临时旅馆带到这儿,要么是由当地警察送来的。这里条件艰苦,居民们对这里的食物和每月200欧元的微薄津贴都抱怨不已。“A lot of people are leaving of their own free will because the conditions are so bad,” says Nazmi, an Albanian man in his twenties. “They give us salami three times a day, every day. You feel like an animal.”20来岁的阿尔巴尼亚青年纳兹米(Nazmi)说:“许多人都自动离开了,因为这里的条件真是太差了。他们给我们每天的三顿饭都是萨拉米香肠,让人觉得自己像头动物。”Local officials say things are not so bad. There is a school, playroom and medical centre while the Red Cross provides second-hand clothes. The accommodation may be crowded but at least it is warm and dry.当地官员则表示情况并没有那么糟糕。这里有学校、游戏室和医疗中心,红十字会还提供旧衣。居住环境可能有些拥挤,但至少温暖而干燥。The camp is also, on one level, a propaganda tool.在某种层面上,班贝格移民营也是个宣传工具。“People come to Germany thinking they’ll get hundreds of euros, a plot of land, work,” says Stefan Krug, of the government of Upper Franconia, who is responsible for the site. “This facility should help to convey to the Balkan countries a realistic image of Germany.”上弗兰肯区政府的斯特凡克鲁格(Stefan Krug)是这里的负责人,他说:“来德国的人以为会获得几百欧元,一块土地,还有工作。这个营地应该有助于向巴尔干国家传递德国的现实形象。”Critics say that image is deliberately distorted. “It’s a system of deterrence, segregation, ghettoisation, which I thought wasn’t possible any more in Germany,” says Sylvia Schaible, who works in a local refugee charity.批评者则表示这是一个被故意歪曲的形象。当地一家难民慈善组织的工作人员西尔维亚餠伊布勒(Sylvia Schaible)说:“这是一种吓阻、隔离、贫民窟话的体制,而我曾经以为这种体制不再可能在德国出现。”Every new arrival at the facility is registered and interviewed by an official from Germany’s federal agency for migration, known as a “decider”. Those who have their asylum request rejected can appeal. If that fails, their case is handed to a government agency that arranges their return home. It used to take months to process asylum applications: Bamberg aims to get that down to around 10 working days. So far, no one at the camp has been allowed to stay in Germany.每一个新进入这座移民营的人都要去登记,并接受德国联邦移民署一名官员——所谓的“裁决者”——的面试。避难申请被拒的人可以提出上诉,如上诉失败,他们的案子会被移交给一个政府机构,由其安排他们的遣返事宜。过去处理避难申请需要几个月时间,班贝格移民营的目标是将这一时长缩短至10个工作日左右。到目前为止,班贝格移民营还没有一人获准留在德国。Mr Krug acknowledges that the mood in the camp is “pretty glum”.负责人克鲁格承认班贝格移民营的气氛“相当阴沉”。“People know why they’ve been sent here, and that it is highly likely they will get a negative decision,” he says.他说:“人们知道自己为什么被送到这里,而且他们极有可能得到一个负面的决定。”Since the camp was opened in September, 463 residents have voluntarily returned home and 170 have been deported. The plan is to expand capacity to 1,500 by the end of the year and to 4,500 by next March. Germany will ultimately have as many as five such camps.班贝格移民营自9月成立以来,已有463人自愿回国,170人被递解出境。该移民营计划至今年底将容量扩到1500人,明年3月扩大至4500人。德国最终将设立5个这样的移民营。Raif Zelenkovic, a 20-something Bosnian from Tuzla, is bracing himself for bad news. Unlike most residents of the Bamberg camp he speaks fluent German — he spent six years here as a child in the 1990s, but his family then moved back to the Balkans. He returned to Germany last January — a country he considers home.20多岁的波斯尼亚人拉伊夫泽伦科威克(Raif Zelenkovic)来自图兹拉(Tuzla),他已经为坏消息做好了准备。与班贝格移民营里大多数人不同,他会说一口流利的德语,上世纪90年代他还是孩子时曾在德国生活过6年,后来他们一家又搬回巴尔干地区。今年1月他又回到德国,他认为这里才是自己的故乡。“All I want is to be able to work here, I don’t want benefits,” he says. “I just want to be like other people. I need a future.”他说:“我唯一想要的就是能在这儿工作,我并不想要福利。我只想像其他人一样,我需要一个未来。” /201601/419730After several years of low prices, the price of pork rose this year to a new historical peak.经历了数年的价格低迷后,今年猪肉价格上涨,达到一个新的历史高峰。Reviewing the fluctuating pork prices in China, there is an obvious ;hog cycle;. In the last 15 years, there have been five of these cycles with peaks appearing in 2001, 2004, 2008, 2011 and this year. So each cycle lasts for about three years.回顾中国的猪肉价格波动,我们发现,存在一个明显的;猪周期;。在过去的15年,大致有5个;猪周期;。从波峰来看,分别出现在2001、2004、2008、2011年和今年。所以每个;猪周期;一般持续3年左右。Analysts have said the rise in pork prices this time is due to the increased environmental protection requirements in many areas and the extreme weather after this year#39;s Spring Festival, which resulted in a short supply of pigs in the market.分析人士指出,此次猪肉价格上涨是因为各地提高环保门槛,许多养殖户标准不达标退出市场,以及春节极端天气的影响,导致猪肉供应紧张。However, the drastic fluctuations in pork prices actually exposes the problem in China#39;s pig industry. Agricultural experts point out that small-scale household pig raising accounts for a great proportion of the pig raising industry, which easily results in strong price fluctuations every few years.不过,猪肉价格的剧烈波动实际上暴露了中国养猪业的问题。农业专家指出,小规模的家庭养猪占养猪业的很大一部分,这很容易导致每几年就会出现价格波动。The key to eliminate the negative impact of the pig cycle is to upgrade pig-raising industry and promote larger-scale operations.消除;猪周期;的负面影响的关键是促进养猪业产业升级,促进规模化经营。 /201604/437066

The National Museum of Indonesia is packed with ceramics, maps and schoolchildren. When I visit, in search of information on the mass killings of 50 years ago, the director looks visibly put out.印度尼西亚国家物馆满是各种陶瓷制品、地图,还有来此参观的学生。当我来到这里找寻50年前那场大屠杀的信息时,馆长露出不悦的神情。“Why are you writing about 1965?” Intan Mardiana asks. The museum covers pre-19th century history, she explains, not politics. “People here don’t know much about that.”“你为什么要写1965年?”因坦鬠艳覄娜(Intan Mardiana)问道。物馆收藏的都是19世纪以前的历史,不包含政治,她解释说,“这里的人们不太了解那段历史。”Following a failed coup blamed on the Communist party of Indonesia (PKI), more than half a million people were killed between late 1965 and early 1966, part of a purge that targeted the ethnic Chinese, trade unionists and left-leaning artists as well as PKI members.在发生了一场被归咎于印尼共产党(PKI)的未遂政变后,超过50万人在1965年末至1966年初遭到杀害,成为针对印尼华人、工会活动人士、左倾艺术家以及印尼共产党员的整肃的牺牲品。Co-ordinated by the military and local vigilante groups, the killings ushered in three decades of dictatorship by General Suharto. Half a century later, there is still little by way of acknowledgment, let alone retribution, in the nation that is now the world’s third-largest democracy.在军方与地方民团的相互配合下,这场屠杀开启了苏哈托(Suharto)长达30年的独裁统治。半个世纪后,在这个当今世界第三大的民主国家,连承认屠杀事件的姿态都没有,更不用说对行凶者进行惩罚了。Ms Mardiana directs me to another museum dedicated to the late General Abdul Nasution, who having survived the 1965 coup led the fight to suppress communism.玛蒂安娜指引我参观另一家为已故的阿卜杜勒纳苏蒂安将军(General Abdul Nasution)而建的物馆。纳苏蒂安在1965年的政变中幸存下来,随后领导了镇压印尼共的行动。I venture into the musty, deserted house where he had lived. There is no ticket office and no one else to be seen. A guard finally emerges in the living room, with its bright yellow walls and floral sofa, and hands me a leaflet that relates in Indonesian the story of the PKI’s raid on Nasution’s home, during which his daughter was killed. There was nothing about the mass murders that followed.我来到了纳苏蒂安的故居,这里散发着霉味,似乎没人照看。没有售票处,也看不到别的什么人。在亮黄色墙壁和花卉图案沙发的客厅里,我终于见到一名保安。他递给我一个小册子,上面用印尼语记述了印尼共突袭纳苏蒂安宅邸的故事(在此次袭击中,他女儿被杀)。没有对随后发生的大规模屠杀的任何记录。Since the fall of Suharto in 1998, freedom of speech has improved dramatically but debate about the killings still seems to take place mainly overseas. I learnt about them when I moved to Jakarta this year. A former correspondent recommended The Act of Killing , Joshua Oppenheimer’s 2014 Oscar-nominated documentary, in which men who took part in the executions re-enact their crimes. “When I approached them, I found that within minutes of meeting me they would launch into boasts of how they killed,” the director explains via Skype. Many of the perpetrators remain powerful in their communities, he says.自1998年苏哈托倒台以来,印尼的言论自由已有显著改善,但围绕那场屠杀的辩论似乎仍主要局限于海外。今年搬到雅加达后,我开始了解这些事件。一位前记者向我推荐了约书亚攠本海默(Joshua Oppenheimer)执导的、获得2014年奥斯卡奖提名的纪录片《杀戮时刻》(The Act of Killing) 。在片中,曾经参与处决的人再现了他们的罪行。“当我走近他们时,我发现,在见到我几分钟内,他们就开始炫耀自己如何杀人,”奥本海默通过Skype解释道。他说,许多行凶者在当地仍保持强大的势力。The violence of the film forms a striking contrast to the image of gentle Javanese culture and Balinese spirituality. Along with The Look of Silence, a sequel, it has triggered international debate. But in Indonesia the documentaries — like the killings — are not widely discussed. Instead, the government has grown more suspicious of foreign journalists and wary that this year’s anniversary could raise fresh questions.纪录片中展现的暴力与爪哇文化的温和形象以及巴厘岛的宗教氛围形成了鲜明对比。该片与其续集《沉默之像》(The Look of Silence)一道引发了国际辩论。但在印尼,这些纪录片——像杀戮本身一样——并未被广泛讨论。相反,印尼政府正越来越不信任外国记者,并担心今年的周年纪念可能引发新的问题。Officials dismissed the International People’s Tribunal that met in November in The Hague to shed light on the slaughter. In the city of Yogyakarta, a cultural centre in western Indonesia, officials have confiscated toys bearing Communist symbols and talks on 1965 were banned at this year’s Ubud Writers and Readers Festival. “I think they were just panicking,” says Janet DeNeefe, festival organiser.今年11月,国际人民法庭(International People’s Tribunal)在海牙对这场屠杀进行了庭审,借此吸引世人对这件事的关注,但印尼官员对此不予理会。在印尼西部的文化中心日惹市(Yogyakarta),官员们没收了带有共产主义符号的玩具,今年的“乌布作家与读者节”(Ubud Writers and Readers Festival)也被禁止讨论1965年发生的事件。读者节组织者Janet DeNeefe说:“我觉得他们只是感到恐慌。”When President Joko Widodo swept to power last year, the first leader from outside the political and military elite, some hoped he would improve freedom of speech. These expectations were misguided, local friends tell me. Mr Widodo, who campaigned as a man of the people, is considered to share the views of those reluctant to revisit the wrongs of the past. The killings laid the foundations for Suharto’s rule, and schools have long presented 1965 as the defeat of a political faction that threatened the nation’s future.印尼总统佐科维多多(Joko Widodo)——首位来自政治与军事精英圈以外的领导人——去年上台时,一些人希望他能改善言论自由。当地朋友告诉我,这种期望是误导的。虽然维多多以亲民形象投入竞选,但据信他的看法与那些不愿重新审视历史错误的人并无二致。那场杀戮奠定了苏哈托统治的基础,印尼学校一直将1965年的事件描述为挫败了一个威胁国家未来的政治派别。With foreigners raking over this violent past and chastising the government, some Indonesians are understandably prickly. One local historian started his testimony to The Hague tribunal with a disclaimer: “I am not here to make my country and people look bad.”鉴于外国人士不断抨击这段暴力历史并批评印尼政府,一些印尼人感到芒刺在背是可以理解的。一位当地历史学家以一则免责声明开始自己在海牙国际法庭的词:“我来这里不是为了让我的国家和人民难堪。”Ariel Heryanto, an academic at the Australian National University, says the silence is the result of official repression. “How many globally connected young people know about the Santa Cruz, Soweto, Khmer Rouge or Tiananmen Square killings?” he asks. “Young Germans feel sick of the national obsession with guilt and the endless discussion on the Holocaust.”澳大利亚国立大学(Australian National University)学者Ariel Heryanto表示,沉默是政府压制的结果。“在全球互联的年轻人中,有多少人知道圣克鲁斯(Santa Cruz)、索韦托(Soweto)、红色高棉(Khmer Rouge)或天安门广场的杀戮呢?”他反问道,“德国年轻人对于全民负罪以及对纳粹大屠杀无休止的讨论感到厌倦。”Yet in Berlin, for example, there is no shortage of museums and lectures for those who want to know more.但是,以柏林为例,对于那些确实想深入了解历史的人而言,这里并不缺少物馆和讲座。 /201512/419102

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