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2019年06月26日 13:58:21    日报  参与评论()人

吉大一院诊所绿园区结扎复通多少钱Exactly 70 years ago, on September 19, 1946, Sir Winston Churchill delivered his famous speech in Zurich calling for the creation of a ed States of Europe.整70年前的1946年9月19日(原文发表于9月19日——译者注),温斯顿#8226;丘吉尔爵士(Sir Winston Churchill)在苏黎世发表了一篇著名演说,呼吁建立欧罗巴合众国。Britain’s wartime leader was revered across the continent for his role in the defeat of Nazi Germany, despite the fact that he had lost office as UK prime minister after the general election of 1945. 尽管丘吉尔在1945年的大选中丢掉了首相之位,但这位英国的战时领袖因其在击败纳粹德国过程中发挥的作用赢得了欧洲各地民众的尊敬。His ringing call for reconciliation between France and Germany, and the re-creation of the European family, struck a chord for both the victors and the vanquished emerging from the devastation of two world wars. 他对法德两国和解以及再造欧洲大家庭的大声疾呼,在从两次世界大战的浩劫中走出来的战胜国和战败国之间都引发了共鸣。It inspired a European movement that led to the creation of the Common Market, and, ultimately, to today’s European Union.丘吉尔的呼吁激发了一场欧洲一体化运动,促成了欧洲共同市场(Common Market)的建立,并最终形成了今天的欧盟(EU)。Churchill was called the father of ‘Europe’, and he said much to justify that label, the British journalist and political commentator Hugo Young wrote in his seminal history of Britain and Europe. But he was also the father of misunderstandings about Britain’s part in this Europe. 丘吉尔被称为‘欧洲’之父,他当之无愧,英国记者、政论家雨果#8226;扬(Hugo Young)在其关于英国与欧洲历史的影响深远的著作中写道,但他也是英国在新欧洲所扮演角色被误解的始作俑者。He encouraged Europe to misunderstand Britain, and Britain to misunderstand herself.他助长了欧洲对英国的误解以及英国对自身的误解。As Churchill urged a Franco-German partnership to lead his vision of a new Europe, he declared that Great Britain and the British Commonwealth, along with the US and USSR, should be friends and sponsors of the project. 虽然丘吉尔力劝法德建立伙伴关系、带领欧洲向他设想的新欧洲迈进,他却宣称,英国、英联邦应同美国、苏联一道,成为该计划的持者和赞助者。He did not talk of the UK becoming a member itself.他并未谈到英国自身应成为新欧洲的一员。We are with Europe, but not of it, he wrote in an earlier essay. We are linked but not comprised. 我们与欧洲在一起,但并非其中一员,他在早前的一篇文章中写道,我们彼此关联,但并无隶属关系。That ambiguity has haunted Britain’s relationship with its continental neighbours ever since, culminating in the UK referendum vote on June 23 for Brexit.自那时起,这种含糊不明一直困扰着英国与其欧陆邻国的关系,直到今年6月23日英国公投表决退出欧盟时达到顶点。First the UK refused to join in 1957, dismissing the negotiations for the Treaty of Rome as irrelevant. 起先,英国在1957年拒绝加入欧洲经济共同体,并将罗马条约(Treaty of Rome)的谈判斥为无足轻重。Then, when Harold Macmillan changed his mind, for fear of being left out of an economic success story, his membership bid was vetoed by France’s president Charles de Gaulle. 后来,当哈罗德#8226;麦克米伦(Harold Macmillan)因担心英国错失一个经济增长机会而改变主意申请加入时,他的申请却被法国总统夏尔#8226;戴高乐(Charles de Gaulle)否决。When Edward Heath finally succeeded in negotiating membership from 1973, it was seen by many as a defeat for UK exceptionalism, not a victory for European solidarity.当1973年爱德华#8226;希思(Edward Heath)最终成功地通过谈判让英国加入欧共体时,许多人将之视为英国例外主义的失败,而非欧洲一体化的胜利。That British attitude is rooted in its imperial history — Churchill’s great passion — and a perception of British security, its interests and its diplomacy, as global, not narrowly European. 英国人对欧洲的这种态度根植于大英帝国的历史——丘吉尔的一大爱好——以及这样一种观念,即英国的安全、利益和外交都系于全球、而非仅系于欧洲。That feeling, along with resentment at the apparent roles of Germany and France in setting the European agenda, was a constant subtext to arguments in favour of Brexit.这种感觉(以及对德法两国在设置欧洲议程方面明显作用的不满)一直以来是暗含在主张退欧理由中的潜台词。Yet, in spite of the centrality of strategic concerns to the intellectual UK debate on Europe, the subjects of foreign policy and security received scant attention during the referendum campaign. 然而,尽管外交政策和安全议题在英国知识界关于去留欧盟的辩论中处于战略关切的中心,但这两个议题在此次公投运动中几乎没有受到关注。It was dominated instead by the debates on immigration and the economy.反而是围绕移民和经济的辩论占了主导。When foreign, security and defence policy was discussed#8201;.#8201;.#8201;.#8201;it was predominantly in terms of the costs and benefits to the UK of being a member of the EU, says Richard Whitman, professor of politics and international relations at the University of Kent. 在讨论外交、安全和防务政策时……主要谈论的是英国作为欧盟成员国的成本和收益,肯特大学(University of Kent)政治与国际关系教授理查德#8226;惠特曼(Richard Whitman)说,There was no substantive rehearsal of what the future EU-UK foreign and security policy relationship might be with the UK outside the EU.关于英国退欧后欧盟与英国外交及安全政策关系可能会有怎样的未来,根本没有切实的预演。It was a curious and alarming omission, given that such questions have always been at the heart of British historic hesitation about the EU.这是一个蹊跷且令人担忧的遗漏,因为这些问题一直都处于英国对欧盟犹豫不决历史的中心。For Churchill, as for the overwhelming majority of the British establishment in those early postwar decades, the British empire (and the Commonwealth that succeeded it) and the special relationship with the US, were the nation’s two most important strategic priorities. 对丘吉尔以及战后初期几十年英国绝大多数建制派而言,大英帝国(及后来的英联邦)与英美特殊关系是英国最重要的两个战略重点。Nato was seen in London as much the most important alliance in Europe. 伦敦方面将北约视为欧洲可以说最重要的联盟。The Common Market, launched in 1957 by the Treaty of Rome, was seen as largely irrelevant to national security.根据1957年《罗马条约》建立的欧洲共同市场基本上被视为对国家安全无关紧要。In the Brexit camp, the idea of reviving an Anglosphere centred on the special relationship between London and Washington (especially in intelligence co-operation), and underpinned by close ties with the old Commonwealth of Australia, Canada and New Zealand, was very popular. 在退欧阵营,复兴盎格鲁文化圈(Anglosphere)的想法非常流行,盎格鲁文化圈以英美特殊关系(尤其是情报合作)为中心,以与澳大利亚、加拿大、新西兰几个老英联邦国家的紧密联系为撑。The question now is whether that romantic attachment to old imperial and English-speaking ties can be turned into an effective policy. 现在的问题是,这种对昔日帝国和英语圈联系的不切实际的依恋,能否转化为有效的政策。The world in 2016 is very different from that of 1946.2016年的世界已经与1946年的世界截然不同了。The number one problem is that everyone else has moved on, says Prof Whitman. They have been pretty successful at forging ‘post-British’ foreign policy identities. 首要问题在于,所有其他国家都已经向前看了,惠特曼教授说,在塑造‘后英国’外交政策认同方面,他们一直非常成功。Australia and New Zealand have refocused their foreign and security policy on the Asia-Pacific region, in which China is the dominant player. 澳大利亚、新西兰已将本国的外交和安全政策重心重新调整到亚太地区,而这一地区的主导者是中国。Canada has defined itself as an independent-minded US neighbour with increasingly strong Asia links to balance its traditional European ties.加拿大已将自身定义为美国的独立自主的邻居,并利用与亚洲日益强有力的联系来平衡与欧洲的传统关系。As for the US, successive regimes have made it clear that they see European integration as an essential part of western security policy and they have made no secret of wanting the UK to be a full-hearted player. 至于美国,历届政府都明确表示,他们将欧洲一体化视为西方安全政策的重要组成部分,并毫不掩饰地表示希望英国全心全意地促进欧洲一体化。Opinion in Washington was overwhelmingly opposed to the idea of Brexit during the referendum campaign, with the exception of Donald Trump, the Republican presidential candidate.此次公投运动期间,除了共和党总统候选人唐纳德#8226;特朗普(Donald Trump)之外,反对英国退出欧盟的意见在华盛顿占压倒性多数。Leading members of the Brexit camp, such as David Davis, now the minister responsible for the exit negotiations, and Liam Fox, minister for international trade, have always based their arguments on the irrelevance of the EU to UK security, and the far greater importance of Nato. 退欧阵营主要成员——如现在负责退欧谈判的大臣戴维#8226;戴维斯(David Davis)、国际贸易大臣利亚姆#8226;福克斯(Liam Fox)——一直将欧盟对英国的安全无关紧要、北约要重要得多作为自己的立论基础。The expectation now is that the UK will throw itself with redoubled enthusiasm into beefing up the Nato alliance, to make up for its gradual withdrawal from the EU. 现在的预期是,英国将以加倍的热情投入增强北约联盟力量的努力中,以补偿其逐步退出欧盟的不利影响。That could mean bolstering the UK military support for the Baltic republics, however much such a move might infuriate Moscow.这可能意味着加强英国对波罗的海国家的军事持——无论此举可能会多大地激怒俄罗斯。For the rest of the EU, the prospect of UK withdrawal is a mixed blessing. 对欧盟其他成员国而言,英国退欧带来的前景可谓喜忧参半。On the one hand, the most serious and rapidly deployable military forces in the EU are those of Britain and France. 一方面,欧盟最重要及部署最快速的军事力量就是英军和法军。The UK has played a leading role in the anti-piracy operation off the coast of Somalia. 在打击索马里附近海域海盗的行动中,英国发挥了领导作用。British diplomats have also played an important role in establishing the European External Action Service — the EU’s own diplomatic arm.英国外交官在建立欧盟自身的外交机构——欧盟对外行动署(European External Action Service)方面也发挥了重要的作用。On the other hand, the UK has been increasingly hostile to the development of an EU defence policy, and to any weakening of intergovernmental control (and therefore a national veto) of security policy. 另一方面,英国越来越反对发展欧盟防务政策,反对以任何形式削弱对安全政策的政府间控制权(因而也反对削弱国家否决权)。British departure from the EU would free the other member states to move forward with the creation of a stronger military operational and planning core, as favoured by France, and more support for a stronger European defence industry.英国退欧将使得其他成员国能够自由地推进创建一个更强大的军事行动和规划核心(如法国所青睐的),增加对更强大的欧洲国防工业的持。In the three months since the referendum vote, there has been no indication from Boris Johnson, the new foreign secretary, or prime minister Theresa May as to how they see the future focus of foreign and security policy.进行公投后的三个月里,新任外交大臣鲍里斯#8226;约翰逊(Boris Johnson)和新任首相特里萨#8226;梅(Theresa May)都未说明他们对英国外交和安全政策未来的工作重点有何看法。The truth is that the process of negotiating Brexit, and reorganising the UK-EU relationship for the future, is likely to dominate everything else on the British government’s agenda for years to come.事实是,英国退欧的谈判进程以及重新定义英国与欧盟未来关系这两件事,可能将在未来多年主导英国政府的所有议程。The UK’s key foreign policy priority for the foreseeable future will be sorting out its relationship with the EU, says Prof Whitman. We will have to devote far more energy and effort to the EU than to the wider world. 在可预见的未来,英国主要的外交政策重点将是理顺其与欧盟的关系,惠特曼教授说,我们将不得不对欧盟投入比对世界其他地区多得多的精力和努力。We will need more EU experts than ever before.我们将需要比以往任何时候都更多的欧盟专家。That is the irony of the Brexit decision. 这正是英国退欧决定的可笑之处。At least for the foreseeable future, it will mean a lot more EU, rather than less, on the UK government agenda.至少在可预见的未来,这意味着英国政府的议程将更多、而非更少地考虑欧盟。 /201609/467905九台区人民医院剖腹产怎么样 Calm down dear my fellow interviewee instructed me on B Newsnight when. 平静些,亲爱的,和我一起在B《新闻之夜》(Newsnight)中接受采访的女士开导我。A day after the US election I dialled the vehemence up to 11. 那是在美国大选的次日,我情绪激昂。I paid her no heed.我没有听她的建议。Calming down is always the medicine prescribed to the losers by the winners lest their self-congratulation be inconvenienced by opposition. 平静下来一直是赢家开给输家的处方,以免自己的沾沾自喜被反对者搅乱。But bowing to the judgment of the polls does not entail a suspension of dissent, especially, when, as in this case, the election involves shameless suppression of votes, the politicisation of the FBI and the cyber-interference of the Russians. 但是从投票结果并不意味着压制异见,特别是像这次,选举涉及无耻的抑制选票、美国联邦调查局(FBI)政治化以及俄罗斯网络干预。If cherishing democracy mandates acceptance of the poll, it also presupposes the right to opposition. 如果说珍惜民主体制意味着接受投票结果,那么这一点也预设了反对的权利。And when that opposition is demonised as disloyal it needs to raise its voice.而当反对方被妖魔化为不忠时,它需要更大声地发表意见。There is, after all, much to get noisy about. 毕竟,当今有很多值得争辩的地方。Weirdly, the American public that has awarded the outgoing president a popularity rating of 56 per cent has also elected someone who intends to delete the entirety of the Obama presidency. 吊诡的是,美国民众赋予了即将离任的总统56%的持率,却选出了一位打算删掉奥巴马总统任期全部政治遗产的人。Now that Republicans control the White House and both houses of Congress, Mr Trump will have a free hand to repeal the Affordable Care Act (depriving millions of Americans of insurance), 由于共和党控制了白宫和参众两院,特朗普将可以放手废除《平价医疗法》(Affordable Care Act)(剥夺成百上千万美国人的医保)、fashion a Supreme Court to overthrow the Roe v Wade ruling on abortion, repudiate the Paris climate change accord, abandon the Iran nuclear agreement and get rid of the Dodd-Frank bank regulation designed to prevent a repeat of the conduct that brought on the Great Recession.改组最高法院(Supreme Court)以推翻罗伊诉韦德案(Roe v. Wade)中对堕胎合法化的裁决、退出巴黎气候变化协定、抛弃伊朗核协议、并且废止旨在防止大衰退重演的监管规则——《多德-弗兰克法》(Dodd-Frank Act)。It is said that Mr Trump’s slash-and-burn instincts will be moderated by experienced counsellors — they won’t. 有人说,特朗普的任性本能将被经验丰富的顾问们调和——这不可能。He did it His Way and the doubters and fence-sitters will all be replaced by dependable sycophants. 特朗普靠着我行我素入主白宫,怀疑者和观望者将被可信赖的奉承者取代。Knowing that his appeal to the voters was all about big-boy attitude, Mr Trump will make this a presidency of I Alone Can Fix It.知道了他对选民的吸引力就在于老大态度后,特朗普将使只有我自己可以搞定成为他的总统任期的标志。Doubtless the speechwriters are even now penning an inaugural address featuring the usual bromides about overcoming division. 毫无疑问,演讲稿撰写人现在就在撰写一份克分歧之类的就职演说。Coming from someone who knows perfectly well that the way he separated himself from the pack was to throw the red meat of abuse to the crowd, turning Hillary Clinton into a felon, this will be a bad joke. 这样的套话出自一个深知让自己脱颖而出的手段就是把辱骂的红肉扔给众人,把希拉里#8226;克林顿(Hillary Clinton)说成重罪犯的人,简直是一个蹩脚的笑话。The lingering effects of his malignant, incendiary rhetoric will not be dispelled by a sudden show of Kumbaya. 特朗普恶毒、煽动性言论的遗留影响,不会因其突然演唱《康巴亚》(Kumbaya,美国的传统宗教歌曲——译者注)而消除。They will hang in the political climate like toxic fog, not least because he knows that should he fail to deliver on his countless undeliverable promises, he can always fire up the zealots with another round of scapegoating against the usual suspects: the international conspiracy of banks and media and the city elites accused of talking down to regular folk and sneering at the American dream.它们将像毒雾一样漂浮在政治气氛中,特别是因为他知道,一旦他作出的无数没法兑现的承诺落空了,他总可以再迁怒于通常的嫌疑人——和媒体的国际阴谋,以及被指责贬低普通民众并嘲讽美国梦的城市精英,从而煽动狂热者。These have been the bugbears of American nativist populism for almost as long as there has been an America. 差不多自美国诞生以来,这些一直是美国本土民粹主义的妖怪。One of the great paradoxes of American nationality is that it has been built simultaneously around both the embrace and the rejection of immigrant identity. 美国人身份认同的一大矛盾是,它同时围绕接受和反对移民身份而建立。To a degree inconceivable anywhere else, American patriotism was indifferent to origins (though not, of course, to race). 在某种程度上对其他地方不可思议的是,美国的爱国主义不在乎原籍(尽管不能说不在乎种族)。But the very success of the immigrant republic also generated spasms of violent nativism. 但是这个移民共和国的成功本身也催生了一波波的暴力本土主义。In the 1850s, the targets were Irish and Italian Catholics; in the 1880s, the Chinese; in the 1900s, Jews from eastern Europe.19世纪50年代,本土主义的目标是爱尔兰和意大利天主教徒;19世纪80年代,目标是华人;到了20世纪头十年,目标又成了来自东欧的犹太人。Mr Trump’s populism is just the latest edition of this sweaty agitation. 特朗普的民粹主义只是这种亢奋鼓动的最新版本。Unlike the tin ear of the Clinton campaign, he has had perfect pitch, channelling the rage of the left behind and the nostalgic yearning to get back an unsullied homeland as imaginary as the village-green idyll of the British Brexiters.和不接地气的希拉里竞选团队不同,他祭出了完美的竞选说辞,引导被遗忘之人的愤怒,以及选民对于恢复纯净国土的怀旧渴望,尽管这样的愿景就像英国退欧派吹嘘的充满诗情画意的绿色田园景象一样,纯属臆想。Such feverish dreams of purification and restoration are the contagion of our times. 此类对纯净化和恢复的狂热梦想成了我们时代的瘟疫。Two unrelated phenomena — a socially unequal recovery from recession and the wash of desperate migrations across the world — have been connected, the latter made to explain the former. 两个毫不相关的现象——从衰退复苏过程中的社会不平等、以及绝望的移民涌向世界各地——被联系在一起,后者被用来解释前者。The blame for the contraction of low-skill jobs is laid at the door of wily foreigners and low-wage labour. 低技能工作岗位减少的罪魁祸首,成了狡猾的外国人和低收入劳工。The fuse of resentment, lit by the demagogue, blooms into poisonous flame.煽动者点燃的愤怒的导火索,演变成了有毒的火焰。The manner of Mr Trump’s victory will persuade other nativists and crypto-fascists that success in their own elections next year will best be served by ramping up the paranoia. 特朗普胜利的方式将说其他本土主义者和隐藏的法西斯主义者相信,要在明年的选举中获胜,他们最好升高偏执言论的分贝。Internationalism and cosmopolitanism will be represented as the realm of the devilish establishment. 国际主义和世界主义将被描述成邪恶体制的一部分。The walls of protection and the watchtowers of the security state will rise over the citadel nation. 保护的高墙和警察国家的城楼将在城堡之国建起。Freedom will be sacrificed to safety.自由将沦为安全的牺牲品。All this will assuredly come to pass, unless heterogeneous city culture — with all its disorderly creativity, its flowing tides of newcomers and outgoers — finds unapologetic champions. 这一切必定会成为现实——除非多姿多的城市文化(伴随所有无序的创造力、源源不断的新移民和离开者)找到坚定的倡导者。It was the fatal error of the Clinton campaign to suppose that an arid of policy proposals was the same thing as a full-throated defence of modernity.希拉里阵营的致命错误是以为一份干巴巴的政策提议等同于为现代社会有力辩护。Whatever rises from the rubble of liberalism’s debacle must never repeat that mistake. 无论从自由主义惨败的废墟中诞生出什么,都必须确保永远不重复这一错误。The decencies of modern life need to be argued with militant passion and broadcast to places where it can be heard by people who don’t broadsheets. 现代生活的体面需要用激昂的热情来捍卫,并且传播到不读大报的人也能听到的角落。What neither America nor the rest of world can afford right now is to keep calm and carry on.眼下,无论美国还是世界其他地方都承担不起的就是保持冷静和继续前进。 /201611/479508The Obama administration said on Thursday it had delayed paying 0m in cash it owed Iran until it was sure that three American prisoners had aly left Tehran.周四,奥巴马政府表示曾延迟付欠伊朗的4亿美元现金,直到确认三名美国囚犯已离开德黑兰。In comments immediately seized upon by Republicans, state department spokesman John Kirby said the cash payment had been held back as “leverage” to ensure that the prisoners were actually released.美国国务院发言人约翰#8226;科比(John Kirby)表示,那笔现金当时被美国暂扣下来当做“筹码”,以确保人质真的被释放。他的话立即遭到了共和党人的抨击。It was the first time the administration has acknowledged any connection between the 0m transfer, part of a decades-old dispute settlement, and the negotiations over the release of the prisoners.这是美国政府第一次承认,付这4亿美元现金,与释放美国人质的谈判之间存在关联。The three Americans, among a group of five prisoners released by Iran as part of a prisoner exchange, flew out of Iran on January 16 on the same day the US announced the return of the funds to Tehran — a sequence of events that has led Republicans to accuse the administration of paying a ransom.1月16日,这三名美国囚犯——伊朗按照囚犯交换计划总共释放了5人——飞离了伊朗。就在同一天,美国宣布已把现金运送给伊朗。这两件事相继发生,导致共和党人指责美国国务院缴纳了赎金。Mr Kirby said the US was worried Iran would renege on the agreement to release the prisoners or find excuses for delays. “We deliberately leveraged that moment to finalise these outstanding issues nearly simultaneously,” he said. “We of course sought to retain maximum leverage until after American citizens were released. That was our top priority.”科比表示,美国担心伊朗拒不执行释放囚犯的协议,或者找借口推迟释放囚犯。“我们特意利用那一时刻,几乎同时最终敲定了这些悬而未决的问题”,他说。“我们当然寻求握有最大的筹码,直到美国公民被释放。那是我们的头号问题。”Donald Trump, the Republican presidential nominee, immediately accused President Barack Obama of having “lied” when he denied this month that the payment amounted to a ransom.共和党总统候选人唐纳德#8226;特朗普(Donald Trump)立即谴责了总统巴拉克#8226;奥巴马(Barack Obama),称他本月否认这笔钱等于赎金时“说了谎”。“He denied it was for the hostages, but it was,” Mr Trump said at a rally in North Carolina. “He said we don’t pay ransom, but he did. He lied about the hostages, openly and blatantly — just like he lied about Obamacare.” Mr Trump said the administration had put other Americans overseas at greater risk of being kidnapped.“他否认这笔钱是用于赎回人质的,但实际就是那么回事,”特朗普在北卡莱罗纳州的一次集会上表示。“他说我们不交赎金,但他确实交了赎金。他在人质问题上撒了谎,公然撒谎,就像他在奥巴马医改问题上所做的那样。”特朗普表示,美国政府已使其他海外美国民众遭绑架的风险增加。 /201608/462120吉林省妇女医院外科

九台市人民医院治疗阴道炎多少钱Fierce debate over a proposed shake-up of Hong Kong’s listing regime has resulted in claims that detractors are turkeys scared of Christmas and even split publicly the city’s Listing Committee — the nexus of the territory’s role as the world’s largest venue for public floats.拟议中的对香港上市制度的改革引发了激烈的辩论,这导致有人声称,批评者就像害怕圣诞节的火鸡;不仅如此,这还导致了香港交易所(HKEx)上市委员会(Listing Committee)内部的公开分歧——该委员会关系着香港作为全球最大上市发行地的地位。Plans to reform the opaque process would shift the city’s decades-old balance of power between investors and issuers, giving the former potentially a greater say and putting the regulator at the centre of the process.改革不透明程序的计划将改变香港几十年来投资者与发行方之间的权力平衡,可能会赋予投资者更多的发言权,并将监管机构置于上市程序的中心。So far this year, companies have raised bn floating in Hong Kong, compared with .8bn in Shanghai and .7bn on the New York Stock Exchange, according to Dealogic. The city has been a top-three venue in all but one of the past 10 years.根据Dealogic的数据,今年迄今,企业通过在香港上市筹资220亿美元。在上海和纽约券交易所(New York Stock Exchange),这一数字分别为128亿美元和117亿美元。在过去10年的9年里,香港一直排在全球前三大上市地之列。The proposals were put forward jointly by the Securities and Futures Commission, the city’s regulator, and the Hong Kong Exchange. A consultation period closed on Friday.这些改革建议是由香港监会(Hong Kong Securities and Futures Commission)与港交所联合提出的。意见征询期于上周五结束。The scale of debate within the 28-strong listing committee itself went public last week when four members, including both deputy chairmen, published a submission broadly supporting the plans — contravening the committee’s majority-view opposition.上周,由28位成员组成的上市委员会内部的激烈辩论被公之于众,当时有4名成员(包括两位副主席)提交了一份基本持这些改革计划的建议书,与该委员会的多数反对意见相左。Analogies with turkeys’ lack of support for Christmas were made in committee meetings discussing responses to the changes, according to several members.据几名委员会成员称,该委员会在开会讨论对改革建议的回应时,有人把这些批评者比喻为不持圣诞节的火鸡。“Like all good turkeys, we don’t tend to support Thanksgiving or Christmas,” admitted one member, who felt the proposals complicated an aly confusing process.“与所有正常的火鸡一样,我们不愿意持感恩节或圣诞节,”一位成员承认道,他认为改革建议把已然令人困惑的程序复杂化了。Hong Kong’s system gives a far greater say to those with vested interests in initial public offerings, such as bankers or accountants, than is allowed in London and New York, where the regulator approves IPOs.相对于伦敦和纽约(由监管机构批准首次公开发行(IPO)),香港的上市制度赋予了那些在IPO中拥有既得利益的人士更大的发言权,例如家或会计师。Listing committee members include representatives from banks, law firms, accounting firms and listed companies. There are also eight investor representatives.上市委员会成员包括来自、律师事务所、会计师事务所和上市公司的代表。还有8名投资者代表。Those calling for change say the system, which was largely developed under colonial rule, was not designed to deal with the governance challenges posed by the influx of mainland companies that make up the bulk of those listing in Hong Kong.持改革的人士表示,香港上市制度基本上是在殖民地时代发展起来的,没有考虑应对中国内地公司涌入所构成的治理挑战,而中国内地公司现在占香港IPO的绝大部分。The system’s ability to cope with this has been called into question following a series of incidents including inexplicable stock rallies and collapses as well as the use of newly listed companies as shells to help others avoid the full listings process.在一系列事件后,该制度应对这些挑战的能力遭到质疑,这些事件包括股价莫名其妙地上扬和下挫,以及把新上市的公司作为壳公司帮助其他公司规避完整的上市程序。Would-be public companies currently apply to the HKEx’s listing division, which refers them to the Listing Committee for approval. The SFC is also sent a copy of each application and it has a right of veto.目前,拟上市公司要向港交所上市部门申请,该部门把申请递交给上市委员会审批。香港监会也会得到一份申请副本,拥有否决权。Responses to the consultation have not all been made public. Those seen by the Financial Times roughly split with investors in favour of the changes while IPO advisers are opposed.改革建议意见征询收到的回应没有全部公开。英国《金融时报》看到的回应基本上分为两种,投资者持改革,而IPO顾问反对。“In Hong Kong investors are to be seen but must not be heard,” said David Webb, an independent shareholder activist, in his submission. He described the current committee as “stacked in favour of issuers and their paid advisers”.“在香港,投资者是用来看的,但他们的声音决不能被听到,”独立股东维权人士戴维.韦伯(David Webb)在他递交的意见中表示。他认为当前的委员会“一边倒地倾向发行方和他们的付费顾问”。The proposals would introduce two new bodies to deal with policy and regulatory issues — which sit largely with the listing committee — both of which would include the SFC as well as an investor representative as one of just three members from the listing committee.改革建议将推出两个新的机构来解决政策和监管问题,这两个机构将基本上与上市委员会并立,都将包含香港监会成员以及来自上市委员会的三名成员(其中一人为投资者代表)。 /201611/479497吉林长春妇保医院门诊部地图 长春阴倒紧缩多少钱

长春妇女儿童医院专家预约B News –Lin Han is the owner and founder of M-Woods, a museum located in the trendy art district of Beijing. The young entrepreneur made his money after founding and managing a successful design-consultancy from his early twenties. He re-invested the profit from that business in stocks and real estate but he wasn’t happy.B新闻 – 林翰是坐落在北京时尚艺术区的木木美术馆的所有者和创办人。这位年轻的企业家20岁出头创办并经营设计咨询公司获得成功后赚了钱。他将盈利再投入股票和房地产,但他并不快乐。“My life felt boring before,” said Lin. “I collected bicycle badges and then cars. But that was not enough to satisfy my imagination. Then two and half years ago, I started collecting art.”“以前我的生活没劲。”林翰说。“我收藏自行车标牌,然后收藏汽车。但这不足以满足我的想象力。然后两年半前,我开始收藏艺术品。”China’s so-called fu er dai (second-generation rich kids) as they are called in China, have been coming under attack in the media and from the public over their inherited wealth, ostentatious lifestyle and perceived arrogance. Some are choosing to revamp the image that goes with their wealth.中国所谓的富二代因继承的财产,招摇的生活方式和显而易见的傲慢而一直受到媒体和公众抨击。有些人选择修复财富带来的不佳形象。“I am very privileged and want to give back to society” said Lin, adding the original idea behind his museum was to share his collection. “Art changed the way I see things. Five years ago I was more on the surface of things. Now I have more depth.”“我养尊处优,想回报社会。”林翰说,并表示开办美术馆的最初想法是分享他的藏品。“艺术改变了我看事情的方式。5年前,我更多地看事物的表象。现在我比以前深刻了。”“There is definitely a new trend in China’s art collectors. The average age used to be 50 now it’s closer to 20”, said Rebecca Wei, Asia President for Christies. “Many of these are second generation coming into the market. In the past two to three years I’ve seen many new faces. There is a general passion for art coming from China.”“中国的艺术品收藏者中明显有一种新趋势。平均年龄过去常常是50岁,现在则接近20岁。” 佳士德拍卖行亚洲区总裁魏蔚说。“这些收藏者中,许多是第二代进入这个市场。在过去的两三年,我看到了许多新面孔。中国出现了对艺术品的普遍热情。”“Their parents are busy making money while their children buy art. These are very well educated [buyers], they’ve visited museums.”“父母忙着挣钱,而孩子们在买艺术品。这些买家受过良好教育,他们参观过物馆。”According to Wei a number of factors are behind the trend this year. First of all, more and more Chinese are travelling overseas. Second, this new breed of collectors are more knowledgeable and rational in their choices: they buy what they like and aren’t just looking to art as an investment. And lastly the growing art scene in the region means galleries, auction houses and art institutions are springing up in Hong Kong and China, showcasing current and older masterpieces. “All of these are incubators for art collectors” Wei said.根据魏蔚,有若干因素推动了今年这股潮流。首先,越来越多的中国人到海外旅行。其次,新一代收藏者选择上更有见识,更理性:他们买自己喜欢的,而不只是把艺术品当作投资。最后,亚洲地区日益增多的艺术场景意味着画廊,拍卖行和艺术机构正在香港和中国涌现,展示当今和以往的艺术杰作。“所有这些都是培育艺术品收藏者的场所。”魏蔚说。They mostly seek to diversify investment options, raise their public profile and learn more about their culture and the world around them through art. Unlike their older peers more focused on buying Chinese antiques, they don’t hesitate to buy outside China’s borders. They are more adventurous and daring in their choices.他们大多寻求通过艺术品使投资渠道多样化,提升自己的公众形象,对自己的文化和周围的世界有更多了解。他们不像年长的同侪更注重购买中国古董,而是毫不犹豫地在中国境外购买艺术品。他们选择时更有冒险精神,更大胆。 /201606/449449 长春流产手术多少钱德惠市生宝宝多少钱

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