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枣阳市妇幼保健中医院耳鼻喉科襄阳樊城妇幼保健院中医院处女膜修复多少钱You used to see Chiang Kai-shek’s image everywhere in Taiwan. But lately, the man who led the Republic of China for nearly half a century has gradually been disappearing from view.从前,台湾到处都能看到蒋介石的像。但最近,曾领导中华民国近半个世纪的蒋介石已经逐渐淡出人们的视野。In recent years, statues and busts of Mr. Chiang, who died in 1975, have been removed from prominent locations in scores of parks, schools and government buildings all over the island.最近几年,1975年离世的蒋介石的塑像和半身像已经从全岛各地的许多公园、学校和政府大楼的显眼位置移除。These days in Yongkang Park, near where I once lived in central Taipei, one of the statues is hidden in a corner beside a tree. I walked past him regularly for several months before noticing he was even there. A small sign asks passers-by: “Can you guess where the statue was originally located?” An old photo gives the answer: On a plinth that once dominated the center of the park.这几天,在我曾居住的台北市中心附近的永康公园,一座蒋介石的雕像被藏在了一棵树旁的角落里。我常常会经过这座雕像,但是直到几个月之后才发现它的存在。一个小小的标牌问路人:“你能猜到这座雕像原来放在哪里吗?”一张旧照片给出了:在公园中心的一个底座上。Mr. Chiang fled to Taiwan in 1949 after being defeated by Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist forces in a civil war. Mr. Chiang and his Chinese Nationalist party, or Kuomintang, dominated the island for decades, ruling Taiwan as the last remnant of pre-communist China. Today, he is seen by many on the island as an embodiment of authoritarianism, and the diminution of his image has been a symbol of Taiwan’s political transformation.在内战中被毛泽东和中国共产党的军队打败后,蒋介石在1949年逃到台湾。蒋介石和他的国民党统治了该岛数十年,把它当作共产主义之前的中国留下的最后一块领土。如今,蒋介石被许多台湾民众视为独裁主义的化身。蒋介石像的减少已经成为了台湾政治变革的一个标志。The island began to democratize in the 1980s and ’90s, and the campaign to remove Mr. Chiang’s once-ubiquitous image picked up steam when Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party was president from 2000 to 2008. Unlike the Kuomintang, Mr. Chen’s party leans toward declaring Taiwanese independence from China.上世纪80年代和90年代,台湾开始民主化进程。民进党的陈水扁于2000年至2008年担任总统期间,逐渐加快移除曾无处不在的蒋介石像。与国民党不同,民进党倾向于台湾独立。Where do the Chiang statues go? More than 200 of them have been moved to a park near his mausoleum in Taoyuan County in northern Taiwan. But thousands still remain in place across the island, including a seated bronze at the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall in central Taipei. An honor guard keeps an eye on that one, but elsewhere, others are sometimes the targets of graffiti artists — especially on Feb. 28 of each year, the anniversary of a 1947 massacre of Taiwanese civilians by Kuomintang troops.那些蒋介石的塑像都去了哪里?有200多座被移到了台湾北部桃园县蒋介石陵墓附近的一个公园里。但是仍有数千座遗留在岛上不同的地方,包括位于台北市中心中正纪念堂里的一个坐姿铜像。一仪仗队看管着这座雕像,但是在其他地方,蒋介石的雕像有时会成为涂鸦艺术家的目标——尤其是在每年的2月28日,1947年国民党军队大规模屠杀台湾民众的纪念日。 /201608/459016东风襄樊医院做孕检多少钱 The municipal government of Beijing will move to the suburban district of Tongzhou at the end of 2017, a high-ranking official said on Monday.周一,一位高级官员表示,北京市政府将会于2017年年底搬至近郊通州区。About 400,000 people will move to Tongzhou in the relocation, which President Xi Jinping ordered during an inspection of the capital two years ago, said Li Shixiang, a National People#39;s Congress deputy and executive vice-mayor of Beijing.全国人大代表、北京市常务副市长李士祥近日表示,习近平主席在两年前的一次首都视察工作时作出指示,要求约40万人从城区向通州疏解。This was the first time Beijing officials have released a timetable for the relocation that aims to make room for the central government in downtown areas.本次也是北京市官员首次透露搬迁时间表。这次搬迁的目的是给中央政府在市中心腾出空间。Along with the municipal government, the Beijing Committee of the Communist Party of China, the People#39;s Congress of Beijing, and the Beijing Committee of Chinese People#39;s Political Consultative Conference will also move to the new location, Li said. These are the four components of China#39;s political structure.李士祥表示,除了北京市市政府,中共中央北京市市委、北京市人民代表大会、中国人民政治协商会议北京委员会这几套机构也将会搬到新址。这些机构也是中国政治结构的四大组成部分。The municipal government, meanwhile, plans to focus on construction of three new towns in the districts of Daxing, Changping and Shunyi to accommodate those moved from downtown districts.与此同时,北京市市政府计划集中建设大兴、顺义、昌平三个新城,以承接从中心城区向外疏解的人口。Li said some low-impact industries aly have been moved or demolished. ;By the end of last year, the city shut down industrial enterprises and relocated 220 wholesale markets,; he said.李士祥表示,一些低端行业已经被搬离或拆除。他说:“截至去年年底,全市关闭了多家工业企业,并搬迁了220个批发市场。” /201603/430693襄阳市襄州区人民医院怎么样

襄阳市中医院怀孕检测多少钱湖北医药学院附属医院做无痛人流多少钱 About 500,000 solar panels were installed daily last year as a record-shattering surge in green energy saw renewables overtake coal as the world’s biggest source of power capacity.去年,全球每天安装约50万块太阳能电池板——本轮创纪录的绿色能源热潮使可再生能源超越煤炭,成为全球发电装机容量最大来源。Two wind turbines went up every hour in countries such as China, according to International Energy Agency officials who have sharply upgraded their forecasts of how fast renewable energy sources will grow.已大幅上调可再生能源增速预测的国际能源署(IEA)官员表示,在中国等国,每小时就有两台风力发电机安装到位。“We are witnessing a transformation of global power markets led by renewables,” said Fatih Birol, executive director of the global energy advisory agency.这家全球能源顾问机构的执行主任法提赫.比罗尔(Fatih Birol)说:“我们正在见一场由可再生能源引领的全球电力市场变革。”Part of the growth was caused by falls in the cost of solar and onshore wind power that Mr Birol said would have been “unthinkable” only five years ago.当前增长的部分原因是太阳能和陆上风力发电成本下降,比罗尔称,这在短短五年前还是“难以想象的”。Although coal and other fossil fuels remain the largest source of electricity generation, many conventional power utilities and energy groups have been confounded by the speed at which renewables have grown and the rapid drop in costs for the technologies.虽然煤炭及其他化石燃料仍贡献最大的发电量,但许多传统供电企业和能源集团对可再生能源的增长速度及其成本的快速下降感到措手不及。Average global generation costs for new onshore wind farms fell by an estimated 30 per cent between 2010 and 2015 while those for big solar panel plants fell by an even steeper two-thirds, an IEA report published yesterday showed.国际能源署昨日发布的一份报告显示,2010至2015年间,新建陆上风电场的全球平均发电成本下降了约30%,而大型太阳能发电场的成本降幅甚至更大,达到三分之二。The Paris-based agency thinks costs are likely to fall further over the next five years, by 15 per cent on average for wind and by a quarter for solar power.总部位于巴黎的该机构认为,未来五年,可再生能源的发电成本很可能进一步下降:风力发电平均下降15%,太阳能发电下降25%。It said an unprecedented 153 gigawatts of green electricity was installed last year, mostly wind and solar projects — more than Canada’s total capacity.该机构称,去年绿色电力新增装机容量(主要是风能和太阳能项目)达到了空前的1530亿瓦特,比加拿大的总装机容量还高。It was also more than the amount of conventional fossil fuel or nuclear power added in 2015, leading renewables to surpass coal’s cumulative share of global power capacity — though not electricity generation.该数字还超过了2015年化石燃料或核能的新增装机容量,使可再生能源超过了煤炭在全球装机容量(尽管不是发电量)中的累计占比。A power plant’s capacity is the maximum amount of electricity it can potentially produce. The amount of energy a plant actually generates varies according to how long it produces power over a period of time. Because a wind or solar farm cannot generate constantly like coal, it will produce less energy over the course of a year even though it may have the same or higher level of capacity.电厂的装机容量是其能够产出的最大数量的电能。电厂的实际发电量根据其在一段时间内发电时间长短而变化。由于风力或太阳能发电场无法像煤炭那样不间断地产生电力,因此,虽然它们可能拥有与煤炭相同或更高的装机容量,但在一年内的发电量还是少于煤炭。Coal plants supplied close to 39 per cent of the world’s power in 2015, while renewables, including older hydropower dams, accounted for 23 per cent.2015年,燃煤电厂提供了全球近39%的电力,而可再生能源(包括历史较久的水电)占23%。But the IEA expects renewables’ share to rise to 28 per cent by 2021, when it predicts they will supply the equivalent of all the electricity generated now in the US and EU combined.但国际能源署预计,到2021年,可再生能源的占比将上升至28%,届时将提供相当于现在美国和欧盟总发电量的电力。It revised five-year forecasts to show renewables’ capacity growing 13 per cent more than estimates made just last year, mostly due to strong policy backing in the US, China, India and Mexico.该机构修正了其五年期预测——可再生能源装机容量增长比去年的估算高出13%,这主要归功于美国、中国、印度以及墨西哥强有力的政策持。 /201610/474140湖北省襄阳市第一人民医院割包皮手术价格

老河口妇幼保健院中医院肛肠科 Last year, the French sociologist Emmanuel Todd caused controversy with his book Qui est Charlie? Todd argued that France had succumbed to collective hysteria after the murder in January 2015, by homegrown jihadi terrorists, of members of the editorial team of the satirical journal Charlie Hebdo and customers at a kosher supermarket in Paris. 去年,法国社会学家埃马努埃尔#8226;托德(Emmanuel Todd)的著作《谁是查理?》(Qui est Charlie?)引起了争议。托德辩称,在2015年1月土生土长的圣战恐怖分子杀害了讽刺杂志《查理周刊》(Charlie Hebdo)的部分编辑团队成员和巴黎一家犹太超市的顾客之后,法国人已屈于集体歇斯底里情绪。 The enormous government-sanctioned popular mobilisation that followed the attacks was little more than an orgy of national self-congratulation, he said. And there was a darker side to the “virtuous ignorance” of those who marched in towns and cities across the country declaring that they too were “Charlie”. “The obsession with Islam was everywhere”, Todd observed, and French Muslims found themselves subjected to impromptu citizenship tests that required them to accept that ridicule of religion was not just a right but a duty. And in calling for mass demonstrations in the wake of the attacks, President Fran#231;ois Hollande ran the risk of glorifying the perpetrators and giving “ideological meaning” to acts better understood as products of individual pathology. 托德表示,恐怖袭击之后经政府批准的大规模民众动员,不过是一场举国的自我夸耀狂欢。在全法国各城镇游行、宣称自己也是“查理”的那些人,他们那种“自鸣得意的无知”还有更阴暗的一面。“在各个地方,人们都对伊斯兰教感到困扰,”托德评述称,法国穆斯林发现自己必须接受临时的公民测验,该测验要求他们接受一个观点:调侃宗教不仅仅只一种权利,也是一种义务。恐怖袭击之后,法国总统号召进行大规模示威游行,他这么做造成了一种风险,即美化行凶者,并赋予那些最好被理解为源于个体变态的行为以“意识形态含义”。 Jean Birnbaum, a journalist for Le Monde, offers a very different account of the reaction to the Charlie Hebdo massacre in his new book, which, like Todd’s, was written before the slaughter in Paris on November 13. Indeed, you could say that Todd’s analysis is in fact an example of what Birnbaum calls “religious silence” — the failure of French politicians and intellectuals, especially on the left, to acknowledge or understand the religious dimension of Islamist terrorism. 法国《世界报》(Le Monde)记者让#8226;伯恩鲍姆(Jean Birnbaum)在他的新书里,对《查理周刊》人员遭屠杀事件后法国的反应做出了非常不同的描述。跟托德的书一样,他的这本书也写于去年11月3日的巴黎屠杀之前。实际上,你可以说,托德的分析其实就是伯恩鲍姆所称的“宗教的沉默”的一个例子。宗教的沉默是指,法国政客和知识分子(尤其是从属左翼阵营的)未能承认或理解伊斯兰恐怖分子的宗教特征。 There are, of course, good reasons for not wishing to “faire l’amalgame”, as the French put it — for avoiding the conflation of Islam in general with sanguinary jihadism in particular. For one thing, social peace depends on it. This is why Mr Hollande said, at the huge Paris demonstration on January 11 last year, that the Charlie Hebdo attacks had “nothing to do with Islam”. This was echoed by the president’s colleagues and also by commentators like Todd. 当然,我们有充分理由不希望“搞混淆”,避免把作为整体的伊斯兰教和血腥圣战运动这一特殊现象划上等号。首先,社会安定依赖于此。正因如此,奥朗德在去年1月11日的巴黎大规模游行中说,《查理周刊》遇袭“与伊斯兰教无关”。他的政府同僚和托德等人士也表达了同样的观点。 The problem with this position is, as Birnbaum points out, that those responsible for the attacks saw themselves as “soldiers of God”. Yet it was if the words of the Kouachi brothers and their accomplice, Amedy Coulibaly, could not be heard. Few seemed capable, Birnbaum observes, of performing the elementary intellectual manoeuvre of resisting the identification of Islam with terrorism, on the one hand, while on the other acknowledging the religious dimension of jihadist violence. 正如伯恩鲍姆所指出,这一立场的问题在于,那些对恐怖袭击负责的人把自己视为“真主的战士”。然而,人们好像没法听到库阿奇(Kouachi)兄弟和他们的同谋阿米迪#8226;库利巴利(Amedy Coulibaly)的话一样。伯恩鲍姆评述称,似乎很少有人能做到一方面用基本的理智拒绝把伊斯兰教和恐怖主义划上等号,另一方面又承认圣战主义暴力活动的宗教特征。 There is an abundant literature on the question of just how Islamic Islamist terrorism is. But although he devotes a few pages to the theological “civil war” within Islam, Birnbaum’s main interest lies elsewhere — in the difficulty that many western, secular intellectuals have in accepting that religion itself is sometimes a motive for action, rather than being, say, the misplaced expression of legitimate rage at geopolitical or socio-economic conditions. 有大量的文献讨论伊斯兰恐怖主义在多大程度上与伊斯兰主义有关的问题。虽然用了几页描写伊斯兰教内部的神学“内战”,但伯恩鲍姆的主要兴趣在其他地方——许多西方世俗知识分子很难接受宗教本身有时就是行为的动机,并非(比方说)以错误的方式表达对地缘政治或社会经济状况的合理愤怒。 The rise of political Islam over the past 40 years has been discombobulating for anyone who might have assumed that religion had been consigned to the dustbin of history. Birnbaum argues that the intellectual disarray was particularly acute in France, where the anticlerical tradition is very strong. The French left has traditionally treated religion either as an historical relic or a purely private affair that could not have anything to do with politics. 过去40年,政治伊斯兰(political Islam)的兴起使所有可能本以为宗教已被扔进历史垃圾箱的人士惊慌失措。伯恩鲍姆认为,在反教权传统非常强大的法国,这种思想上的扰乱尤为严重。法国左翼传统上一直将宗教视为历史遗物或纯粹的私人事务——不可能与政治有任何关系。 This inability to grasp the political salience of religion goes back a long way. Birnbaum shows, for instance, how French supporters of the anti-colonial struggle in Algeria in the 1950s simply denied, in the teeth of abundant evidence to the contrary, that Islam played any role in the Algerian uprising. And he examines sympathetically the account of the Iranian revolution offered by the philosopher Michel Foucault, who was denounced by some compatriots as an apologist for theocracy for suggesting that an entirely novel fusion of politics and religion was fomenting on the streets of Tehran. 这种对宗教的政治重要性的理解无能可以追溯到很久以前。例如,伯恩鲍姆在书中描述了上世纪50年代阿尔及利亚反殖民斗争的法国持者就是不承认(虽然有大量相反据)伊斯兰教在阿尔及利亚起义中发挥了任何作用。他满怀同情地审视了哲学家米歇尔#8226;福柯(Michel Foucault)对伊朗伊斯兰革命的论断——福柯因为认为一种全新的政治与宗教的融合正在德黑兰街头兴起,被当时一些法国同胞谴责为神权政治的辩护者。 Birnbaum’s excellent book contains lessons for secular liberals and leftists elsewhere. They should be wary of assuming that history is on their side. 伯恩鲍姆的精著作包含了其他地区的世俗自由主义者和左翼人士可以吸取的教训。他们应该警惕假设历史站在自己一边的幻想。 /201603/431104宜城市妇幼保健中医院有做阴道松弛?襄阳男性尿道炎怎么治



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